White Banker Man from Boulder

This piece is part of Yellow Scene Magazine’s Opinion section. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not represent a reported news position. At Yellow Scene, opinion pieces speak freely, challenge assumptions, and say the quiet parts out loud.

Correction: This editorial incorrectly stated that Chief Stephen Redfearn approved the ketamine injection of Elijah McClain. He arrived after the use of force and ketamine injection, while McClain was still alive, and later changed the CAD report from “suspicious person” to “assault on an officer” before any investigation was completed. Court proceedings have established that McClain did not assault or threaten officers. The article has been updated to reflect the public record.

Last night I dined at a top restaurant in Boulder with my roommate. We chose to sit at the bar. I’m the type of person who loves to talk to strangers. I like learning where people come from, their beliefs, and their views. Sometimes it leads to meeting lovely people; sometimes it’s an opportunity to see how the other half lives. Sometimes the conversations start nicely but end less so.

There’s a myth about Weld and Boulder Counties, the idea that everyone in Boulder is liberal and everyone in Weld is MAGA. Colorado, including Weld County, has seen tremendous growth over the last 30 years. It’s not like realtors are asking for voter registrations before selling a house. “I’m sorry, you’re registered D; we don’t sell houses in Weld County to D’s.” Not happening.

Erie gets scooped up in that analogy, and I’ve even seen reporters stand on County Line Road for a story outlining that notion: “Here’s the Boulder County side, which is liberal, and here’s the Weld County side, which is Republican.”

First of all, in the 2024 election, Boulder County voted approximately 76 percent blue, and Weld voted 60 percent red. Those are facts. But when it comes to Erie, those numbers change. In 2020, Erie voted 68 percent blue, and the 2024 council elections saw three progressive candidates take the lion’s share of votes, with the more conservative mayor squeaking by with a mere 500 votes.

There’s also the idea that everyone in Boulder is liberal. An old editor I worked with 27 years ago at the Boulder Weekly once told me, “Boulder is a bunch of Republicans too afraid to vote that way.” That dinner conversation reminded me that fascism doesn’t always wear a uniform. In Boulder, it can wear a Patagonia vest.

Boulder recycles, bicycles, and supports the LGBTQ community. The city has recently passed mental-health measures to address addiction and a lack of services. But it’s not the progressive bastion folks think it is.

While the rest of the country voted for progressives in this year’s elections — not just New York, but also places like Aurora, Westminster, and Colorado school boards — Boulder elected three of the four billionaire-backed candidates. Approximately 32,000 to 35,000 people voted out of about 70,000 active registered voters in Boulder. 

Most people don’t know this, but roughly 57 percent of Boulder rents, with students making up about 20 percent of that number. Only 19 percent of households have children under 18. There are a lot of young people in Boulder. Unlike New York City, they didn’t vote and often don’t vote in city elections, allowing those with power and influence to make decisions for those without. 

In Weld, right-wing extremism is worn loud and proud; in Boulder, it’s tucked into coded language.

Boulder’s billionaire-backed slate didn’t run on more affordable housing but on removal, even promoting ads urging voters to oppose the two candidates who fought to end the blanket ban, Boulder’s ordinance that criminalizes the city’s unhoused residents by making it a crime to sleep outside with a blanket.

Homelessness and the firebombing of Jewish protestors demanding the release of the hostages were used to stoke fear, turning “law and order” into a political weapon to justify police escalation and the criminalization of poverty. Meanwhile, the city keeps paying out millions for police violence and just hired Stephen Redfearn as police chief — a decision so controversial the NAACP Boulder County chapter fractured over it and ultimately collapsed. He later changed the CAD call type from “suspicious person” to “assault on an officer” before any investigation was complete, a decision his critics say helped frame a false narrative in the case and remains at the center of ongoing controversy and legal cases in Boulder.

This is “safety” as cover: no divestment from companies profiting off the Gaza genocide, no real reckoning with policing, and a blanket ban for the homeless.

But back to last night’s dinner. My roommate and I ate at the bar. I began talking to the man next to me because he was dining alone. He ordered everything with garlic, and I joked he wasn’t going home with anyone that night. He said his wife was home sick and he was indulging, so we kept chatting while Luna and I ate. For the most part, it went all right; he seemed open-minded enough to talk with.  He was a retired banker, the kind Boulder has in surplus: friendly, articulate, and convinced civility is the same as morality.

Then I noticed a bottle on the shelf called Revolution, with what looked like an old white guy’s face on it. I made a joke about that, and our friendly diner got offended. He lectured me on the stereotypes white men suffer under. “Fair enough,” I said. “I know some white dudes who are fighting the power.”

I said what we’re witnessing is fascism in our government, and he scolded me for using the word fascist.

“Fine,” I said. “How about authoritarianism?”

He told me we’re not witnessing fascism or authoritarianism, and that when it comes to basic human rights, they don’t exist. He said rights are privileges granted by the government.

While I love me some good contractarian philosophy, and lean more toward Locke than Hobbes, his comments offended me, so I ended the conversation. After three glasses of wine, I probably could have ended it better. But by then, White Banker Guy from Boulder was telling me the system is the way it is, and we have no human rights unless the system grants them. Coupled with his denial of authoritarianism, it was too much. We told him to get lost, paid our bill, and left.

Here’s why that logic is dangerous. When you redefine rights as privileges, you hand their ownership to the state — or whoever holds power next. From there, every abuse becomes justifiable: slavery becomes economics, fascism becomes order, genocide becomes policy. It’s the same argument echoing from the far right today, that losing rights isn’t oppression but “the system working.”

We are a nation of laws founded on a social contract, which means agreeing that some harms; rape, murder, theft, are intolerable. I grew up believing that as a nation, we fought for others’ rights. But a country that elevated property rights over human rights for centuries — through 400 years of chattel slavery and our own genocide — doesn’t flip overnight. What I was taught as a child doesn’t match what we do in practice.

The rise of Trump and MAGA isn’t new; it’s regression. And now we hear, “America isn’t a democracy; it’s a republic,” a talking point used to rationalize the authoritarian impulses of the Trump era. Aside from the bad civics, it’s the casualness that chills — the ease with which people defend the erosion of rights.

The fight for human rights shouldn’t be a fight, but in a world that values personal property more than human life, it is. And silence is complicity. Whether it’s Boulder’s polite cruelty or Washington’s open authoritarianism, people are stripped of dignity while power congratulates itself for keeping order. 

America is facing a moral dilemma, and we each have to choose who we will be — the people who helped on the Underground Railroad or those who turned Anne Frank in. I may not change that over dinner, but I can damn sure name it out loud.

The ones who dared to fight City Hall.

When Boulder denied public access to police body-cam footage, we took it to court. Our fight for transparency is now before the Colorado Supreme Court — because accountability doesn’t stop at the city line.

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