Examining Oil & Gas’ Political Influence on the Front Range

Fighting the machine

Nick Saia lives in Colorado now, but he grew up on the salt marshes and estuaries of the Mississippi. He recalled swamp fishing, rabbit hunting, and boating out by the shack he and his father frequented. His memories of the outdoors, sharing time with his dad, and interacting with the mercurial tides where the river meets the ocean painted a vivid picture as he recalled his childhood. Then his tone changed. “My father told me one day this would all be gone.”

Even then, as a child, he saw the encroaching oil and gas operations that would forever change the face of the Gulf of Mississippi, dotting her face with pimples of oozing black pus. Saia saw the receipts, literally. He stayed busy as a busboy and later as the manager of his father’s restaurant. There he recalled seating and serving both oil and gas company men and local politicians where the sticky black substance lubricated the wheels of business and politics.

These twin memories of growing up — of seeing the marshland drained and tamed and witnessing the way politics and energy companies worked behind the scenes — inspired Saia to pursue a career as an attorney defending the average person. Many of his cases involved death, serious injury, and maiming of oil and gas workers.

Saia’s story began in Louisiana, but his career brought him to Colorado. Since the ‘90s he has represented Coloradoans who have been injured or received property damage from oil and gas sites. Saia’s observations about the dual harms of oil and gas in Louisiana are all too evident in Colorado. Vast environmental damage and overly friendly connections to politicians abound here as well.

Environmental damage and health impacts

Saia moved to Colorado for the environment. Most people do. Coloradoans, those born here and those who’ve made their home here, know the importance of open space, preservation, and balance in nature. Unfortunately, tales just like Saia’s have played out all across the nation but especially in Weld County, Colorado.

For years, both extraction operations and residential growth have been occurring side by side, meaning people are living closer than ever to fracking sites. Weld County experienced a population boom just as oil and gas operations were expanding alongside it. The County proudly proclaims directly on its website that they are “the number one producer of oil and gas in the State 83% of all crude oil production and 55% of all natural gas production in Colorado comes from Weld County!” Maps of extraction operations clearly show the impact of political decisions on where permits are granted. Weld County is covered in sites.

The number of sites, the number of wells, and the density of their locations add to a high health risk with groundwater pollution, noise pollution, and chemical byproducts from extraction, all playing harmful roles. Recent research from the CU Boulder Environmental Engineering Program found that “The chemical composition of the leaks in the Greater Wattenberg Area show that most are coming from failures of well pipes or cement, not natural stray gas migration. While the study only looked at oil and gas wells, the ability to conclusively show failure in an inner pipe or cement has major implications.” This means leaks and contamination are most likely from failures in extraction sites, a risk that even capped and closed wells still possess.

Politics, business, health, and the environment all coincide in one sticky problem: oil and gas operations are profitable but cause damage to those around them. Where new wells were located, where old wells are re-opened, and how fast leaks and contamination are cleaned are all influenced by money in the political system.

A tale of two counties

In 2019, Senate Bill 19-181 was passed which allowed local municipalities to adopt regulations for extraction operations, including things like setbacks — how far away operations must be from sensitive sites like homes and schools. Most counties have chosen to increase setback distances, and while the overall impact of the bill has been greatly beneficial to public health, not all counties have followed suit. “Weld County hasn’t met an oil well operation it doesn’t like,” said state Sen. Mike Foote, a sponsor of SB-181.

Recent reporting has also shown that even when residents thought extraction sites were finished, operations can resume with little to no warning. Additionally, if a well has already been sunk, current setback requirements from SB-181 do not apply. This grandfathers in a significant amount of sites and will continue to present a severe health hazard for any who live nearby.

“Local governments are not uniform, but they [setbacks] range from like 2,000 to 3,000 feet. Arapahoe County passed a 3,000 foot setback recently, but it also has exceptions,” Foote explained.

It’s not just the extraction operations — clean-up and decommissioning of sites can spread contaminants. About half of “orphaned” wells remaining to be plugged across the state are located in Weld County. So-called orphaned wells are defined as “…a well for which no owner or operator can be found, or where such owner or operator is unwilling or unable to plug and abandon such well.” This may be due to the company going out of business or being unable to afford the cost of plugging operations.

Storage tanks for crude oil in central Colorado, USA

In March 2024, Adams County filed a lawsuit that claimed oil and gas companies used a massive fraud scheme to avoid cleaning up abandoned wells that the lawsuit stated is, “to this day, endangering Coloradans.”

“The lawsuit raises serious questions about industry-wide practices in general that deserve an answer,” Denver7 quoted an attorney from the case. Companies allegedly knew the cost of cleanup but did not set aside nearly enough profits to cover the mandated cleanup expenses and then filed for bankruptcy, leaving no one financially responsible for the sites while executives and investors walked away wealthier than before.

Not every county is pushing back. In 2019, Weld County commissioners directly responded to SB-181 by declaring parts of the county an “area of state interest” for oil and gas operations. Based on a 1974 House bill, this move allowed Weld County commissioners to continue approving permits that would be blocked in other counties.

Oil and gas companies often promote the idea that new regulations will kill jobs in a state like Colorado, and a county like Weld, that produces lots of energy. “Every time there’s a regulation proposal, they talk about how it’s a job killer and how if the regulation passes, they will move out of the state … it’s too bad that some people continue to buy into it … they still produce a heck of a lot in this state regardless of the regulations,” Foote noted.

As proof, despite Adams County’s increased regulations, the industry is thriving, propelling Adams to the second-highest producer in the state behind Weld.

Influence on local politics

Yellow Scene Magazine conducts a yearly election guide where our reporters speak to candidates for all elections across the areas of the state we cover. We have interviewed hundreds of politicians, activists, incumbents, and folks who decided to run for office for the first time. One of the main topics that constantly arises in local elections is oil and gas regulation, expansion, and mitigation. Many have expressed their concerns that oil and gas companies tip the scales in favor of pro-extraction candidates, creating an undemocratic environment that is driven by money over citizen interest. This is a political reason why some areas have more health hazards than others despite similar oil and gas resources underground.

“The oil companies have made millions of dollars in Thornton … millions they would not have made otherwise. And that’s why they invest in [REDACTED]. That’s why thousands of dollars come from oil representatives, from people who work in oil companies, and not to mention the dark money that gets flooded in by the same companies because [REDACTED] is their investment that pays off for them,” a local activist told YS.

Anadarko Drilling in Dacono. Photo: Denver Post

“While the other side has boatloads of cash coming from special interests, specifically, land developers and oil and gas, and everybody knows it … I shouldn’t say everybody. A lot of people don’t even realize it. But the people who are interested in trying to serve all notice,” one local candidate expressed their frustration.

“We’re really heavily influenced by oil and gas and developers. For a while, it was mostly oil and gas. Now it’s developers too. We have to figure out some ways to balance that out,” a sitting city council member shared.

“I think the biggest thing is that residents deserve a campaign finance system that’s transparent and fair. We want a democracy where everyone’s voice is heard and everyone is playing by the same rules. Our current system, it’s not,” a representative said. “We don’t have the financial limits. The disclosure requirements and practices aren’t strong enough or user-friendly to be meaningful, and we need to ensure that our political leaders are representing the interests of residents and not just the wealthy and powerful,” they continued.

Even without undue influence, the political scales are tipped in favor of those who have resources, money, and workforce. It is much easier for a corporation to raise funds, sponsor ads, and donate money to local politicians than it is for the activists and regular folks who wish to stop them. There is a monetary reward for extraction companies succeeding that vastly overshadows the cost of paying politicians to play ball.

“They’re able to play in many different areas. They’re able to pay contributions. They’re able to hire a lot of attorneys. They’re able to hire folks that will show up in meetings. They’re able to come up with astroturf organizations. They’re able to run measures. They’re able to do all of these things which affect policy that community groups and environmental groups just can’t match. So when you combine things, you get a much bigger megaphone that they can use,” Foote elaborated.

Still from “Fracking the System.” Provided by Brian Hedden

Past wins and future fights

One notable success story is that of Brian Hedden. Hedden is an activist who filmed a protest of extraction operations at an oil and gas site near a school in Greeley. Details of the incident and subsequent lawsuit are posted on Hedden’s website. One protestor chained themselves to a piece of machinery, physically blocking operations from resuming. Hedden himself filmed the actions but did not block any machinery. However, he was still treated as a protestor by law enforcement.

Hedden was arrested by the police on behalf of the oil and gas company, with an eventual offer to drop all charges if he agreed to never release the footage he filmed. Saia represented Hedden in the lawsuit brought on by Extraction Oil & Gas in 2018.

Extraction argued that Hedden had also violated the airspace above the site by flying a drone to capture aerial footage. The judge was not amused by that idea and responded by asking Extraction if they were also an airport. The typically quiet and somber mood of the court was rocked by laughter from a crowd of activists there to support Hedden. With Hedden’s case, Saia finally had his “Atticus Finch” moment of fighting for a just cause with crowds of public support. The civil lawsuit was dropped.

Despite interference, influence, and wealth that extraction lobbies bring, wins like SB-181, and Hedden’s dropped lawsuit show there is hope. However, with the dangers of powerful lobbies, nearly unlimited money, and an intricate understanding of how to navigate the system, the odds are still very much stacked against the activists. This election season may be an important one in particular, with both activists and extraction companies looking at an air quality proposal in the Colorado legislature. 

There is a potentially even larger picture looming following a curious move by oil and gas companies who filed a ballot measure to ban all oil and gas drilling in the state. Although no one is yet sure why, the move may be an effort to have ballot initiatives themselves ruled unconstitutional rather than representing a change of heart on environmental issues from extraction interests.

Foote shared the difficulty of working against a powerful lobby: “It’s really tough as an all-volunteer community to go up against highly paid, highly trained [oil and gas companies]. Difficult doesn’t mean it can’t be done. But the deck is definitely stacked against you.”. It’s not all bad news, there have been huge improvements in statewide and local regulations.

“Where we found success has been a combination of volunteers, grassroots groups plus organizations that have some resources to draw from, so it’s not [fighting] with both hands behind our back but maybe with one hand tied behind our back,” Foote said.