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Why Colorado replaced its AI discrimination law with a transparency requirement that the feds might challenge anyway

Guest Contributor — Sat, 18 Jul 2026 07:08:42 +0000

This Storyshare is republished in whole from The Conversation.

Featured Photo: Colorado passed a landmark artificial intelligence law that was challenged in a federal lawsuit. AAron Ontiveroz/The Denver Post via Getty Images

by Stefani Langehennig, University of Denver

When Colorado replaced its landmark AI law in May 2026, the move looked like a retreat from ambitious lawmaking. The state abandoned a first-of-its-kind framework that required companies to actively prevent algorithmic discrimination. That’s the risk that automated systems produce biased outcomes based on race, gender, age, or other protected characteristics when making decisions about people’s jobs, loans, or healthcare.

In its place, on May 14, 2026, the legislature passed something far narrower, including a set of transparency requirements telling companies what they must disclose to consumers.

I study how AI and technology are reshaping policymaking and democratic accountability. I also track state AI legislation through the U.S. State AI Policy Tracker at the University of Denver’s Daniels College of Business.

Colorado’s back-and-forth on AI legislation exposes a fundamental shift in how state leaders are thinking about governing AI. It also raises an unresolved constitutional question that could determine whether any state AI law survives federal challenge.

From prevention to disclosure

The original Colorado law, called the Colorado Artificial Intelligence Act, asked companies to prevent harm. The replacement asks companies to inform consumers. That distinction may sound technical, but it reflects a meaningful change in governing philosophy.

The Colorado Artificial Intelligence Act was built on direct obligations. Developers and deployers of high-risk AI systems – such as tools used to screen job applicants, evaluate loan applications or determine insurance eligibility – had to establish risk management programs. The law also required companies to conduct impact assessments and take proactive steps to avoid discriminatory outcomes. In essence, the state was telling companies: Govern yourselves, and prove you’re doing it.

The replacement law, called the Automated Decision-Making Technology Act, takes a different approach.

Companies must notify consumers when automated technology plays a role in a consequential decision. That could include a hiring determination or a loan denial. If that decision goes against a consumer, the company has 30 days to explain how the technology contributed to the outcome.

Consumers can also request corrections to inaccurate personal data and ask for meaningful human review. The duty of care, risk management mandates, and impact assessments from the first iteration of the law are gone.

For Coloradans, the practical difference is significant. Under the old law, a company using AI to deny a loan application, for example, would need internal processes designed to catch discriminatory patterns before they reached the consumer.

Under the new law, that company must tell the consumer that AI was involved and explain its role after the fact. However, the company has no obligation to audit the system that produced the decision. The burden shifts from the institution deploying the technology to the individual affected by it.

Equal protection out, free speech in

A federal lawsuit filed in April 2026 brought the timeline for this legislative overhaul forward quickly. Elon Musk’s company xAI sued to block enforcement of the Colorado Artificial Intelligence Act, the original law.

Days later, the DOJ intervened in support of xAI. It was the first time the federal government had moved to invalidate a state AI law.

The Department of Justice backed a lawsuit led by Elon Musk’s xAI to block Colorado’s artificial intelligence regulations before they took effect in June 2026, according to a 9News report.

In its legal filing, the DOJ made two constitutional arguments against the original Colorado law. The new law neutralized the first argument but may have sharpened the second.

The first was an equal protection argument. The DOJ argued that the law’s antidiscrimination framework effectively forced developers to make race- and sex-conscious decisions about how their models behave. For example, companies would have been required to test whether their AI systems produced different outcomes for different demographic groups and to adjust them if they did.

That kind of government-imposed classification is one that courts subject to heightened scrutiny, meaning the government bears a heavy burden to justify it.

The new law eliminated this argument entirely. The algorithmic discrimination provisions are gone, and there is nothing left in the statute that requires developers to monitor or adjust their outputs for discriminatory patterns.

The second argument made by the DOJ was a First Amendment argument, specifically what is called compelled speech. The idea is straightforward: The First Amendment does not just protect a person’s right to speak; it also protects the right not to speak. When a government requires a private company to deliver specific messages to consumers, that mandate has to meet a constitutional standard. Courts ask whether the government has a strong enough reason to force someone to say something they otherwise would not.

xAI characterized the Colorado law’s disclosure and reporting requirements as exactly this kind of forced communication.

In my opinion, this argument was strengthened, not weakened, by the rewrite. The new Automated Decision-Making Technology Act kept little besides notice and disclosure duties, so the new law is, at its core, the government telling companies what they have to say to consumers.

In narrowing the statute this way, the state legislature may have made the compelled speech argument easier to isolate and litigate, even as it made the equal protection argument disappear.

The executive order behind the lawsuit

The DOJ’s decision to intervene in a state-level lawsuit did not come out of nowhere. It followed directly from Executive Order 14365, which President Donald Trump signed in December 2025.

President Donald Trump signed an executive order that lays the foundation for federal testing of the world’s most powerful AI systems before they are publicly released, according to a report from NBC News.

The order declared that a “minimally burdensome national policy framework” should govern AI, and it directed the DOJ to challenge state laws that conflict with that vision. The order also instructed the Commerce Department to publish an evaluation of existing state AI laws, identifying those it deems “onerous.” It included a specific mandate to flag laws compelling disclosures that could violate the First Amendment.

That evaluation was due by March 2026, but it has not yet appeared. If that list materializes – and if Colorado’s new law lands on it – it will signal that the administration sees this state not as a single problem to resolve but as a test case for a broader federal campaign against state AI regulation.

Dozens of states have introduced AI-related legislation in 2026 that touches on the same areas Colorado tried to regulate, including employment, lending, housing and healthcare.

What Coloradans should expect

For now, not much changes in Colorado. A federal judge stayed enforcement of the original law in April 2026, and that stay applies to the replacement law as well. This means none of its provisions can be enforced yet.

The stay will remain in place until at least 14 days after the court rules on xAI’s request for a preliminary injunction, which is a court order that would block the law from taking effect while the case is decided. That request will not be filed until 28 days after the state completes its rulemaking process. So the timeline depends on the attorney general, the courts, and the DOJ’s willingness to press a challenge against a law that already conceded substantial ground.

Read more of our stories about Colorado.

Stefani Langehennig, Assistant Professor of Practice, Daniels College of Business, University of Denver

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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The $402 million calculation: new invoice reveals how Alameda says it earned $30 million on a $4.5 million contract

Salem Goodman — Fri, 17 Jul 2026 01:09:24 +0000

A newly released three-page invoice reveals exactly how Alameda Mineral Advisors calculated one of the largest consulting fees in Erie’s history. Submitted to the Town of Erie on June 26, two days after the Town Council approved a controversial mineral rights agreement with SM Energy, the document justifies Alameda’s $4.5 million bill by arguing the firm generated $401,990,283.33 in value for the Town.

Under the contract’s compensation formula, that valuation would yield a $30.1 million fee. While Alameda is legally capped at billing $4.5 million in the current contract with Erie, CEO Matthew Owens is using these calculations to ask the Town Council to override the cap and pay his firm a larger, unspecified bonus for what he calls extraordinary and unexpected results.

The invoice shifts the public debate from whether the SM Energy deal itself was a good idea to how the consultant’s compensation was calculated. Unlike traditional consulting agreements billed by the hour, Alameda’s fee is entirely contingency-based, meaning the firm’s payout was tied directly to a percentage of the total value of the deal it negotiated rather than the time spent working. While Owens’ original proposal sought a flat 7.5% of the deal’s total value, the final signed contract capped Alameda’s payout at $4.5 million unless the Town Council approves a higher amount in writing. To establish the $402 million valuation that would trigger the maximum cap, the invoice reads less like a bill and more like a speculative corporate valuation.

The most immediate discrepancy in Alameda’s math lies in how it values the 158 acres of County Line Road transferred to the Town as part of the deal. Erie’s own professional appraisals valued this land at approximately $13.6 million. However, Alameda’s invoice prices the exact same acreage at $71.3 million, which translates to $450,000 per acre. Owens defends this five-fold increase by claiming the Town’s February 2026 appraisals only reflected the land’s raw, undeveloped state. He argues the land is far more valuable now that the deal is finalized, citing a pending transaction in nearby Lafayette as a comparable benchmark for its future development potential. Using the Town’s appraisal, the land contributes $13.6 million toward Alameda’s compensation formula. Using Owens’ methodology, it contributes over $71 million, adding nearly $58 million to the paper value of the deal before any other categories are considered.

Beyond the real estate, the remaining $330 million of Alameda’s valuation relies on future-looking assumptions. The largest component is $285.5 million in projected future tax revenue. Accounting for more than 70% of Alameda’s total valuation, this figure represents the tax revenue Erie might collect over several decades if the County Line Road property is fully developed. Alameda calculated this by taking a Town-commissioned study and extrapolating the data across all its holdings.

The invoice also includes $25.5 million for negotiated production payments and $1.48 million for reducing a portion of Erie’s future oil well plugging and abandonment liabilities. In the most unusual line item, Owens values the Town’s newly negotiated rights to inspect SM Energy’s Draco drilling site at $12.5 million. Rather than using market data, Owens relies on a catch-all provision in the Professional Services Agreement that allows for “other sources of value” to be counted if they are disclosed to and agreed upon by the Town. He argues these inspection rights are uniquely valuable because local officials have repeatedly declared environmental oversight a top public priority, citing supporting public statements by Mayor Andrew Moore, council discussions, and the negotiating history.

The invoice concludes with an explicit pitch to bypass the $4.5 million contractual limit. Owens asks the Town to exercise a clause in the agreement allowing for higher written compensation, pointing to what he describes as a last-minute effort to recover approximately $8.5 million in additional value before the agreement reached the Town Council. He argues that this work achieved “extraordinary and unexpected results” that justify a larger payout.

The invoice concludes with more than a calculation. It makes a second request.

After explaining why Alameda believes the agreement generated a theoretical $30.1 million fee, Owens asks the Town to exercise its discretion to compensate the firm above the agreement’s $4.5 million cap. He argues that Alameda achieved ‘extraordinary and unexpected results’ and points to what he describes as a last-minute effort to recover approximately $8.5 million in additional value before the agreement reached the Town Council.

The consulting agreement anticipates the possibility of compensation above the cap only if the Town agrees in writing. Whether Erie chooses to do so remains a separate policy question from the calculation presented in the invoice.

Ultimately, the invoice is not a demand for 30 million, nor is it a simple receipt for 4.5 million. It is an opening bid. For months, Erie residents have questioned how a single consultant’s fee could reach millions of dollars. This document provides the first line-by-line look at the aggressive assumptions driving that math, leaving town officials to decide whether to accept these valuations and pay Alameda beyond the contractual cap.

Matt Owens, Alameda Advisors, Invoice, June 26, 2026

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Spotlight: Denver Brass

Jamie Lammers — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 23:58:44 +0000

Colorado ensemble Denver Brass recently concluded its 45th season as an organization. As part of its 46th season, the ensemble will release three new albums in the coming months as part of its Legacy Recording Project. We sat down with the ensemble’s executive director, Becky Wilkins, and the ensemble’s conductor/albums’ executive producer, Warren Deck, to talk about the ensemble’s projects.

Courtesy of Denver Brass

Jamie Lammers: How has Denver Brass been?
Becky Wilkins: It’s been really great. Of course, the last six years have been kind of strange as we’ve tried to figure out how to exist in this new post-pandemic world. How do we maintain relevancy with audiences coming out of that period? We’ve had to do a lot of convincing that no, there really is nothing quite like being in a concert hall listening to live music performed by real people and having that joint experience with other people. We’ve always been very committed to telling people that music is a healing, uplifting experience; if you come to a Denver Brass concert, you’re gonna leave in a much better mood; and it’s gonna be one of the best uses of your time.
Warren Deck: The other thing that’s fun about it is there’s an Evel Knievel factor of live music, and that is: Is it gonna hang together? Is he gonna make it? Is this hard lick gonna get played? There’s just some fun in the unknown factor about live music; anything can happen. It can be awesome; it can be awesomely terrible, in which case, “I was there, I heard that!” If you’re at a live event, you come out, and you think, “Wow, I was just glad I was there.” There’s just something about experiencing any kind of event with a community, because you can walk out and talk to somebody, the person sitting next to you, and this conversation arises about it. You don’t get that if you’re just sitting there in front of your television at home.

Jamie: How have you guys tried to bring people to the live shows?
Becky: We really try to set in on a really engaging concert title and concept. We try to paint this picture to really make people go, “Oh, that sounds like something interesting that I want to experience,” people who know who we are and people who don’t know what Denver Brass is. When Denver Brass started, it was a strictly classical ensemble, and we realized that’s not a good fit for both the musicians and the audiences. Our group plays jazz, Latin, Celtic, Caribbean – you name it, we’ve probably done it.
Warren: Also, we try to make it an immersive experience when you’re there. There’s sometimes a visual component to it. The March concert has bagpipes and dancers; the December concert usually has a couple of vocalists; we’ve had some sing-alongs – (we try to) bring some level of audience participation, again, something you wouldn’t get sitting at home.

Courtesy of Denver Brass

Jamie: What’s most exciting about the upcoming projects?
Becky: We haven’t produced an album since 2020. That recording very quietly got finished and released, and there wasn’t much fanfare. These three albums are really exciting because of where the group is right now artistically and historically. For us to have one singular album comprised of pieces written just for our group is, I think, a milestone achievement for us. We haven’t done a Christmas album since 2011; we have an original Christmas tune and piece for Hanukkah on that album as well. Both of these albums are really showcasing just how far we’ve come in 45 years, and the playing is just incredible. The last album, the working title is Sketches of Courage because of the piece, the anchor of that album, written by our trumpeter Sean Schafer Hennessey. The piece is based off of a sketchbook that he found from his grandfather, who fought in World War II in the 30th Infantry Division. He died young from complications of PTSD, so Sean found this sketchbook, and it became this reckoning of how to process not knowing his grandfather, what his grandfather went through.
Warren: Sean’s piece is 26 minutes long, it has a narration, and it’s very poignant. The piece speaks to so many communities. It speaks to veterans. It speaks to anybody who cares about American history. It speaks to the Jewish community because they broke up concentration camps and rescued prisoners who were emaciated, and he saw all of that firsthand, and the PTSD community; it just speaks to so many people. It ends with a psalm that speaks to his experience. I won’t quote it. I’ll just say there’s a benediction at the end, and it includes this psalm that he had underlined in his Bible. It’s really a very, very moving piece.

Courtesy of Denver Brass

Denver Brass will celebrate the all-original album “Elevated Masterworks” and the holiday album “If You Just Believe” on Tuesday, July 21st, at 7:30 p.m. with a free album release concert at the Newman Center for the Performing Arts. The album featuring “Sketches of Courage” will be released in 2027.

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Scene Stealers: Week of July 16th

Juliana Krigsman — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 22:48:04 +0000

Tennyson Street Fair, Jul. 17th and 18th

Grab yourself and your gang and head on out to Denver on the 17th and 18th for the annual Tennyson Street Fair! Come soak up the sun and enjoy two days of local food, drinks, and craftsmanship from vendors from 4 to 9 PM on Tennyson Street. Hope to see you there!

Tennyson Street Fair | Jul. 17th and 18th • Tennyson Street, Denver

Pearl Street Arts Fest, July 17th-19th

The 49th Annual Pearl Street Arts Festival transforms Downtown Boulder into an outdoor art gallery for this weekend-long event. Over 100 artists from Colorado and 21 other states will showcase and sell their pieces, which range from a variety of mediums, including oil paintings, photography, ceramics, and sculptures. The festival runs from 3-8 PM on Friday, 10-7 PM on Saturday, and 10-5 PM on Sunday. Admission is free. The artist lineup and more information are available at https://boulderdowntown.com/arts-fest.

Pearl Street Arts Fest | Jul. 17th-19th • Downtown Boulder

Summer Art Market, Jul. 18

Stop by Boulder Museum of Contemporary Art for an afternoon of local Boulder art vendors and community, featuring artists such as Veronica Cristellon, Michael Iokua, Wendy Karnish, Nicole Zeichman, and more. In addition, the 2026 Summer Art Market will host a wide range of art forms, from jewelry, prints, and everything in between.

Summer Art Market | Jul. 18 • Boulder Museum of Contemporary Art

2026 FIFA World Cup Final Viewing Party, Jul. 19

Watch the final “GOALS!” of the 2026 World Cup finals, where Spain will play Argentina surrounded by a vibrant and lively community. Fans of all teams from all cultures come together to cheer in the outdoor Levitt Pavilion. This free all-ages watch party will have a pre-show set from DJ CYN before the live broadcast from Telemundo, with food trucks, summer treats, and more all day!

Levitt’s Free Series: 2026 FIFA World Cup Final Viewing Party | Jul. 19 • Levitt Pavilion Denver

May Be Fern at Louisville Summer Concerts in the Park, Jul. 23

The City of Louisville closes out its summer concert series in the park with local sensation May Be Fern. The trio of long-time friends Hannah, Kate, and Madi joined forces to mold their diverse musical tastes into a distinctive funk and rock sound. Come enjoy their dynamic rhythms and engaging melodies, accompanied by sensational local food trucks at the last summer concert in Louisville Community Park.

May Be Fern at Louisville Summer Concerts in the Park | Jul. 23 • Louisville Community Park

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Rustproofing Too!!

Steve Nelson — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 05:47:36 +0000

This piece is part of Yellow Scene Magazine’s Opinion section. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not represent a reported news position. At Yellow Scene, opinion pieces speak freely, challenge assumptions, and say the quiet parts out loud.

The long-running show about the sale of mineral rights, produced by Erie’s Town Council, has dropped the curtain – at least for now.

Throughout the often acrimonious debate, members of the conservative majority reminded me of enthusiastic car dealers selling rustproofing for fiberglass-bodied cars.

For those in the comfort of current events darkness, the Town voted to reject an offer from SM Energy Company then, a week later, approved the same offer.

Brian O’Connor, who cast the deciding vote against the sale, turned sharply to the right and joined a 4-3 majority in its approval. O’Connor publicly claimed that he voted “Aye” because he had come to believe that town residents supported approval, a consensus he did not see at the time of the first vote.

Methinks he did not see such a consensus because such a consensus does not exist – then or now. Most polling/surveys pointed to a different community consensus, although I worry that the majority of Erie residents didn’t know or care much about the issue at all.

Some folks suspect that O’Connor first voted “Nay” knowing a member of the Nay voter group could move to bring the matter for reconsideration. This reconsideration is a one-time mechanism, thus assuring that the losers on vote #2 would have no recourse. And so it went. I don’t know O’Connor, and have no opinion on whether he would be party to such a devious scheme.

A coalition of community residents has asked the CO Attorney General to look into several alleged violations of the Town’s procedural rules. That aside, there are glaring problems that require no forensic skill to identify as improper/corrupt. The complaint to the AG itemizes these quite thoroughly, but the real whopper was the undemocratic selection of Matt Owens to negotiate on the Town’s behalf. Owens was the CEO for Civitas Resources before it merged with SM Energy.

His consulting fee was $4.5 million, oddly the precise amount the Town receives as a cash payment under the deal. If you draw a straight line through the oily obfuscation, that means that Erie receives bupkis, not even an Uber driver’s tip for steering the money to Owens.

$4.5 million in, $4.5 million out.

Town spokesman Gabi Rae estimated the Town’s share of future revenue as $19 million over the next 20 years. Owens, in selling the deal, estimated future revenue at $465 million in a delusional rant posted on LinkedIn – later removed. Hmmmm . . . why would a guy in line for a $4.5 million payday wildly exaggerate the benefits to the Town? Makes rustproofing salesmen seem like Abe Lincoln.

There is ample reason to doubt that even $19 million will be forthcoming, but even if so, that amounts to less than 1/4 of 1% of Erie’s annual budget. I deeply resent my Town’s representatives selling out my grandchildren’s health and well-being, especially for chump change.

O’Connor and others in the majority claim that lots of the deal’s supporters remained silent because they were “intimidated.” As an Erie resident, with too much time on my hands, I can attest to the absurdity of that claim. The MAGA and MAGA-adjacent folks in town are unrepentantly fierce. Watch a video of a Town Council meeting and watch the treatment of our sole woman member. Or listen to Brandon Bell for a few minutes.

By contrast, the coalition of community members who organized the resistance is comprised primarily – not solely – of older folks, mostly women. Come by the next No Kings rally and enjoy their dignified, good-humored-while-passionate company.

Mayor Andrew Moore and his majority justify selling out by saying, “They can drill anyway, so let’s get what we can.” When examining any complex matter, it’s useful to step back and see what motivates the parties to a dispute or deal.

I start by suggesting that Oil and Gas companies are not known for civic generosity. The idea that they would pay $465 million, $19 million, or $1.50 for nothing in return is silly. Aspects of the deal are complicated and uncertain, such as the value of land Erie gets in the trade-off. It bears noting that the land’s supposed value is partly based on future housing development at highly inflated expectations. Ironically, many who support the deal are opposed to more housing development in our already overgrown mini-metropolis.

Conservatives in town pooh-pooh the resistance by saying we have general animus toward Oil and Gas. I speak only for myself. Damn right I do! It’s a greedy, dirty industry that values profit over people. SM Energy has committed 125 environmental offenses in recent decades, incurring $11 million in fines. This is just considered a niggling “cost of doing business” expense to an O&G behemoth.

As to “They can drill anyway” . . .

Perhaps, but if you can’t see that this deal exponentially increases drilling and risk, I’ve got an extended warranty to sell you along with the rustproofing. For a good summary of the risks, visit Colorado Rising.

Capitulating to that argument is like observing a group of thieves marauding through your neighborhood and saying, “Oh, what the hell, let’s just give them the key to the front door.”

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Recommendation for July 15 Erie Planning Commission Discussion

Guest Contributor — Wed, 15 Jul 2026 09:06:42 +0000

This letter was sent to Yellow Scene Magazine and the Erie Town Council. As with all Letters to the Editor, the views expressed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the publication. We value providing space for community voices.

Recommendation for July 15 Planning Commission Discussion

Establishing the Commission’s Frame for the Joint Study Session

Recommendation. The Planning Commission should use its July 15 preparation discussion to establish its own good-governance framework for the joint session with Town Council.

The Commission should participate fully in the proposed discussions of Proposition 123, the Comprehensive Plan amendment, the Planning and Development work plan, and Commission responsibilities. It should not, however, enter the joint session merely as a respondent to initiatives and assumptions already selected by others.

The Commission’s responsibility is to provide independent, evidence-based advice about Erie’s long-term land-use decisions. The joint session should therefore begin with the following principle:

Our responsibility is not to defend the 2024 Comprehensive Plan or to overturn it. It is to establish, in a record the public can follow, where the Plan reflects residents’ priorities, where it does not, and which proposed corrections will actually improve Erie’s long-term well-being.

1. Establish the purpose of the joint session

The Commission should ask Council to clarify the intended outcome:

Is Council requesting implementation of the adopted Comprehensive Plan?
Is it requesting clarification of particular policies?
Is it considering a substantive change in adopted goals?
Is it asking the Commission to help diagnose whether the Plan or its implementation departed from public intent?
What decisions or recommendations will be expected from the Commission afterward?

The session should not assume that “realignment,” “restoring the base vision,” or correcting a mistranslation is already necessary. Those are legitimate possibilities, but they should remain conclusions to be tested.

A suitable opening agreement would be:

Previous statements by commissioners, councilmembers, staff, consultants, or members of the public concerning mistranslation, realignment, staff control, infrastructure failure, density, or small-town character will be treated as hypotheses to be evaluated against the public record, current conditions, and the consequences of available alternatives.

No participant would be asked to withdraw a concern. All participants would agree to let their concerns be tested by the same standard.

2. Request a Comprehensive Plan Perception-and-Performance Assessment

Before major amendments or UDC changes described as “realignment” proceed, the Commission should request a documented assessment comparing:

What residents said during development of the 2024 Comprehensive Plan.
How that input was translated into goals, maps, policies, and implementation actions.
What Council expressly directed and ultimately adopted.
What has and has not been implemented since adoption.
What the August 2025 survey shows about resident preferences and experiences.
What the survey cannot establish about causation or institutional responsibility.
Current transportation, safety, water, fiscal, housing, and infrastructure conditions.
Assumptions that have materially changed since October 2024.
The effects and tradeoffs of retaining, modifying, or reversing existing policies.

The purpose would not be to delay every ordinary planning activity. It would be to prevent major policy reversals from being based on an untested diagnosis.

3. Define “small-town character” in measurable terms

The Commission should ask Council which components of small-town character it wants public policy to preserve.

neighborliness and community identity;
responsive and accessible government;
neighborhood scale and building transitions;
parks, trails, open land, and nearby nature;
local businesses and a viable town center;
manageable and reliable travel;
safe streets for children and older residents;
infrastructure readiness;
fiscal stability;
housing choices that allow different generations to remain in Erie.

These values should be respected, but their conflicts should also be acknowledged. For example, preserving open land may require concentrating some growth, while supporting local businesses may require nearby customers. Safe, quiet streets may sometimes conflict with maximizing vehicle speed and throughput.

The joint session should ask:

What observable conditions would show five years from now that Erie successfully preserved its small-town character?

4. Apply clear tests to the proposed Comprehensive Plan amendment

Before discussing whether the new residential categories or Future Land Use Map changes are desirable, the Commission should request:

the exact 2024 Plan provisions being changed;
the parcels or areas affected;
the documented reason for each change;
whether each change implements, clarifies, or reverses the adopted Plan;
the public input supporting it;
transportation, water, infrastructure, fiscal, housing, and open-space effects;
alternatives considered;
the measurable outcome expected from the amendment.

A side-by-side comparison of density categories is useful background, but it does not establish why a change is needed or what consequences it will produce.

5. Define “infrastructure before growth”

The Commission should ask Council and staff to convert this general principle into system-specific standards.

For each system – water, wastewater, transportation, emergency response, parks, schools, and other public facilities – the Town should distinguish:

existing capacity;
funded capacity;
planned but unfunded capacity;
developer-provided improvements;
regional or outside-agency responsibilities;
current deficiencies;
projected deficiencies;
perceptions that still require measurement.

The Commission should ask what event must occur before development may proceed: construction, funding, an executed agreement, demonstrated capacity, or completion of a particular improvement.

Without those definitions, “infrastructure first” may express a widely shared value but remain too indefinite to guide consistent decisions.

6. Evaluate Proposition 123 fast-track review through objective standards

The Commission should ask:

What does “fast track” change in practice?
Which review stages would be shortened and which substantive standards would remain unchanged?
What legal or funding consequences follow from participation or nonparticipation?
Which projects qualify?
What level and duration of affordability is required?
What infrastructure, design, fiscal, and public-notice standards continue to apply?
How will processing speed, affordability production, project quality, and public participation be measured?
What provisions should be reconsidered if the process does not produce the intended result?

The discussion should distinguish speeding administrative review from weakening substantive standards. A faster process can be appropriate where expectations are known, objective, and applied consistently.

7. Sequence the Planning and Development work plan

The Commission should ask Council to identify dependencies among:

Comprehensive Plan amendments;
growth-management planning;
the UDC update;
the Town Center PD update;
Old Town visioning;
the ADU incentive program;
affordable-housing procedures;
short-term-rental regulations.

The policy diagnosis should ordinarily precede the regulatory remedy. The Town should avoid completing a UDC “alignment” project before establishing precisely what adopted policy is being implemented or changed.

For each work-plan project, the joint session should identify:

the problem statement;
its authority and relationship to the Comprehensive Plan;
the intended decision maker;
required evidence;
public-engagement points;
dependencies on other projects;
expected completion and performance measures.

8. Discuss Commission authority together with accountability

Any expansion of Planning Commission responsibility should identify:

the specific decisions involved;
whether the role is advisory or final;
the standards the Commission would apply;
public-notice and hearing requirements;
appeal or Council-review procedures;
training and staff support;
treatment of ex parte communications;
effects on elected accountability and administrative efficiency.

The objective should not be greater authority for its own sake. It should be placing each decision with the body best positioned to develop a complete record, apply adopted policy consistently, obtain public input, and remain accountable for the result.

The Commission should also request a meaningful role in setting the questions and evidence for matters on which Council later expects its advice.

9. Agree on concrete joint-session deliverables

The Commission should seek agreement with Council on the following outputs:

An engagement-to-policy decision trace.
A full interpretation of the August 2025 survey, including methodology, open-response coding, and available cross-tabs.
A perception-to-evidence matrix for major resident concerns.
A Comprehensive Plan implementation report.
A register of assumptions that changed after adoption.
A coordinated fiscal, water, transportation, safety, housing, and infrastructure assessment.
A list of conflicts among adopted goals requiring elected policy choices.
Clearly identified targeted amendment options.
A public annual performance dashboard.
A plain-language explanation of what was found and who is responsible for each future decision.

Recommended Commission consensus on July 15

Because the preparation item is brief, the Commission should at minimum reach consensus on three points:

The Commission will enter the joint session with its own independent advisory frame.
Prior interpretations of public intent and current conditions will be treated as testable hypotheses.
The Commission will ask Council to authorize a traceable perception-and-performancecassessment before major “realignment” changes are treated as established policy direction.

This approach does not presume that the 2024 Comprehensive Plan was correct. It also does not presume that it was distorted. It gives Council, the Commission, staff, and residents a fair process for determining what occurred, what conditions now require attention, and which remedies are most likely to work.

Matthew Logan

The post Recommendation for July 15 Erie Planning Commission Discussion appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

The For-Profit Pipeline: How CoreCivic Capitalizes on CO Inmates

Jack Ziporin — Tue, 14 Jul 2026 19:57:40 +0000

For eight years, Rodney Eaves was incarcerated at Bent County Correctional Facility in Las Animas, Colorado. One afternoon, Eaves and other inmates were enjoying their routine recreational time in the facility’s common gym space. Then the facility alarm sounded.

But the alarm was merely triggered by a drill conducted by inspection staff. The workers had tied a CPR dummy by its neck to the gym’s pull-up bar to simulate an inmate in need of immediate medical attention. Upon noticing that the blaring alarm was only a safety drill, Eaves started up his personal stopwatch to time the facility staff. It took six and a half minutes for guards to reach the gym where the inmates were located. After a whopping nine minutes had passed, correctional officers were finally able to lay the dummy flat on the ground.

“After my stopwatch said nine minutes, I remember thinking ‘If this was one of us, it was not going to go very well,’” said Eaves.

Eaves pinned the slow response on the facility’s lack of staff. During his time at Bent County from 2015 to 2023, Eaves recalled a ratio of less than one guard for every 100 prisoners. While staffing issues are present in almost every prison in the state, one aspect differentiates Bent County from the majority of Colorado prisons.

The facility is privately owned and operated by CoreCivic. As a private business, CoreCivic’s primary objective revolves around maximizing their profit margins. They regularly utilize staffing cuts to minimize their cost of operation and increase profits. After the facility staff’s uninspiring performance in the safety drill, Eaves began to question the safety of himself and his fellow inmates in a privately-run prison.

Although that afternoon at Bent County, the blaring alarm was merely a drill. In other cases, systemic understaffing at CoreCivic prisons has had serious consequences. CoreCivic has faced a slew of lawsuits across the United States regarding inmate deaths in their facilities. A Tennessee-based report found that the inmate mortality rate is twice as high in CoreCivic facilities in comparison to their state-run counterparts. Here in Colorado, CoreCivic faced a lawsuit in 2018 that alleged that staff denied medical care to an inmate in order to cut costs. The inmate later died in the facility. Across the country, negligence and poor staffing are the most common legal claims against CoreCivic.

Kit Carson Correctional Center | Burlington, CO A view of the defunct correctional facility at 49777 County Road V, which was operational from 1998 until its closure in 2016. Date: Sept 19, 2019 • Photo by Jeffrey Beall

During Eaves’ time at Bent County, the staffing cuts went even further. Jobs that were crucial to run the facility were often offloaded onto inmates. During his time there, Eaves was directed to work in the kitchen, where his duties consisted mainly of processing and packaging food. Yet, Eaves was not employed by CoreCivic, nor by the Colorado Department of Corrections (CDOC) itself. He worked for Trinity Foods, an outside company which processes food for incarcerated populations.

While working for Trinity Foods, no rule explicitly forced inmates to work. Nonetheless, Eaves argues that his work in the kitchen at Bent County took place under coercive conditions. While he almost always complied with his employer’s demands, those who did not were routinely punished. They could have privileges revoked or face the threat of solitary confinement. The food he processed went to inmates in a separate wing of the prison where inmates were given special privileges for good behavior.

But there was a key difference between Eaves’ job with Trinity Foods and a traditional food packaging job: he wasn’t entitled to a minimum wage.

The arrangement was very profitable for Trinity Foods and CoreCivic; they could pay inmates significantly less than what was required for traditional workers.

“When we received our paychecks, we were being paid by Trinity Foods. The warden did not have to take money out of his budget to pay us,” said Eaves.

For inmates, the arrangement was less advantageous. “I made about 80 cents per day,” said Eaves. “It wasn’t even enough to pay my restitution.”

Eaves was held at Bent County on state charges, but CDOC had almost no control over his daily life during his stint at the prison. That power belonged to CoreCivic and Trinity Foods.

Many incarcerated Americans face similar circumstances. CoreCivic is the second largest corrections company in the United States, owning and operating 39 correctional facilities throughout the country (not including immigrant-detention centers). In Colorado, CoreCivic operates the Bent County and Crowley County Correctional Facilities. Their foremost competitor, The GEO Group, owns 99 prisons and detention centers across the country. In all, about 8% of the incarcerated population in the U.S. is held in for-profit prisons, according to civil rights group The Sentencing Project. In Colorado, 16% of prisoners reside in for-profit prisons.

Companies like CoreCivic and The GEO Group generate revenue by securing contracts with state and federal agencies to operate the facilities. In most cases, the contracts are purchased on a “per diem” basis, meaning that companies earn an agreed-upon rate per inmate. Both private Colorado facilities are at capacity, producing a tremendous profit for CoreCivic. They generated roughly $35 million in revenue from the state of Colorado from January to June 2025. CoreCivic can further cut costs through subcontracts with inmate employers such as Trinity Foods. Within this arrangement, CoreCivic pays Trinity Foods to operate at Bent County. They manage packaging and processing of the food which is later given to inmates. This way, subcontractors are able to utilize the cheap labor of prisoners. And CoreCivic does not pay salaries to the inmates who keep their facilities running.

While this may be a lucrative deal for the companies, for inmates, the reality is clear: corrections corporations and their subcontractors reap profits at the expense of the labor rights and safety of Colorado’s prisoners. The result is a process which inmates like Eaves feel fosters a form of modern-day slavery.

Despite the will of voters, slavery remains rampant in Colorado prisons

In 2018, voters in the state of Colorado approved Amendment A. For Colorado prisoners and civil rights activists, the ballot measure was a success. In the following years, the victory has failed to materialize.

The Colorado amendment repealed the long-standing exemption to the constitutional ban on slavery. The 13th amendment was ratified to the U.S. constitution in 1865. The amendment prohibited slavery, “except as punishment for a crime.” Amendment A ended the exception. However, Colorado has not adequately adjusted to the provision, and forced labor has persisted in Colorado prisons. A class action lawsuit alleges that forced labor practices in correctional facilities have remained in place, and that the Department of Corrections has effectively ignored Amendment A.

Stephanie Frisinger, a lawyer who represents Colorado prisoners in the case, argues that many Colorado prisoners are forced to work against their will.

“After the voters made their choice, we were hopeful that there would be changes in the prison system. That did not happen,” said

On Sept. 8, 2015, inmates at Coyote Ridge Corrections Center watered, fertilized and thinned sagebrush plants. Photos by Jeff Clark

Frisinger.

In Colorado prisons, failure to work is listed as a violation that constitutes a write up. Prison administrators may utilize a myriad of “tools in the tool-bag” to punish prisoners who receive a write up, which according to a motion from Frisinger’s class action lawsuit, can include harsh punishment.

For instance, write ups can lead to relocation, in which inmates are transferred into a higher security facility. High-security prisons often afford inmates fewer freedoms and are also more dangerous. Further, prisoners’ parole dates may be delayed for failure to comply with the work mandate. Inmates can even be threatened with restricted housing, a form of solitary confinement. A similar penalty which keeps them isolated for all but a few hours of the day may also be utilized.

“People are terrified of solitary confinement, they know about its effects,” said Frisinger. “The system is very coercive, to have that threat looming over you.”

Frisinger’s lawsuit alleged that these coercive practices are illegal under Amendment A, and a Colorado judge agreed. A state ruling in February declared that CDOC, along with Gov. Jared Polis, violated the state constitution by forcing prisoners to work.

According to Eaves, though, labor in Colorado prisons has yet to tangibly change in the wake of the ruling. In 2023, Eaves was transferred from Bent County to the state-run Sterling Correctional Facility in Sterling, Colorado, where he works as a janitor. According to him, although inmates at Sterling were optimistic that the ruling would halt coercive labor practices at the facility, they have yet to see meaningful improvement.

“They can’t threaten 22 straight hours of solitary [for refusal to work] anymore. But what they’ll do is threaten 20 straight hours instead,” said Eaves.

Eaves notes that inmates can be coerced into working in multiple ways. Often, inmates will be given the opportunity to “volunteer,” in which they are not paid for the work they complete. While volunteer jobs are not required, inmates can be disciplined for refusal to work for free. Eaves argues that the coercive volunteer work has continued even after the state ruling that prohibits forced prison labor.

But for civil rights activists, and for the inmates at Sterling, the ruling was nonetheless a small step in the right direction.

While the lawsuit was directed at the state of Colorado, similar labor practices occur at the private facilities in Bent and Crowley counties. Despite the will of Colorado voters, prisoners at the two facilities continued to be coerced into labor. Their labor consists of grounds work such as janitorial and kitchen duties. Inmates are hardly compensated for their labor; most workers receive under a dollar per hour.

The relationship between CoreCivic and Colorado’s incarcerated population creates a troublesome correlation: more incarcerated Coloradans means a higher profit for CoreCivic. One of the company’s own internal reports confirms this dynamic. They write that any legislation which may decriminalize certain behaviors may reduce the number of prisoners and subsequently decrease the “demand for our facilities and services.” Further, they acknowledge that lower sentence lengths may also damage their profit margins. In Colorado, the result is a cycle of mass incarceration and a profitable partnership between CoreCivic and CDOC.

Colorado’s prisons are nearly at full capacity. Now, amidst a $1 billion state budget deficit, CDOC asks for upwards of $200 million to buy an inactive CoreCivic facility and open yet another Colorado prison.

For Colorado activists, the solution is not more incarcerated Coloradans and more cash for CoreCivic. Legal measures such as Frisinger’s ruling are an important start in mitigating the system’s harm. But in Colorado prisons, inmates like Rodney Eaves want to see more concrete change. They hope that the legal battles will bring public awareness to the plight of Colorado’s incarcerated population.

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Spotlight: Longing by Christopher Sansone

Jamie Lammers — Sat, 11 Jul 2026 18:14:32 +0000

Longmont resident Christopher Sansone, PhD, is a life and spiritual coach specializing in human development. A former Hoffman Quadrinity Process teacher, he has over 20 years of coaching experience. He has taken this experience and combined it with his own self-journey in his new book Longing: A Pilgrimage to Your Quiet Power Within, published by Mantra Books and distributed by Simon and Schuster. We sat down with Sansone to talk about the book.

Jamie Lammers: I’m curious about how this book came to be.
Christopher Sansone: It was during COVID when this sprang up. My dad had passed December 20th, 2019, and my mom would pass on May 5, 2020. Everything I did with the Hoffman Institute was in-person, but once COVID hit, boom, shelter in place. It was a time of grieving, and around that time, I had been in contact with a wonderful medium, Victoria Garcia. Victoria had told me she was getting signs that I was to write a book. She goes, “Don’t worry, it will come. You just have to be open.” Well, I didn’t. I just went right into, I’m gonna write it my way, do a bunch of research, dive into the higher levels of human consciousness. I got back to Victoria, and she said, “That’s not what this book is about.” I had to make sense of it and edit it in a form that others could understand, and that’s what I did for a long time. I interviewed five people about these terrific shocks that they had in their life, and I gelled it up into a book. There hasn’t been a day I’ve worked on it that felt like work. The only part that’s been like work is the publishing side of it, but bringing it to form, it’s been wonderful.

Jamie: It sounds like it’s been a revelatory experience for you as well.
Christopher: That’s been probably the greatest gift of this, the writing of it. I know it’s an overused word, but it has been transformative in that it gave me a new perspective on the purpose of my own life and being on my true path. It was an endeavor into something much deeper than I had anticipated. It was expansive, and my demeanor, my approach, has shifted as a result.

Jamie: What’s been great about getting feedback on it?
Christopher: During the process of writing the book, I had two professional editors and informal readers, friends, family. There was always curiosity about this notion I bring forth and describe as “longing” that we all have. It was like, “Oh, you put your finger on something. I never really considered it that way.” To a person, there’s been this intrigue of the reading itself – the words, the way that the words have come on the page – that adds to people’s interest. It carries as much meaning and experience as the reader allows, but there is certainly an indication to go a bit deeper than the normal thinking processes.

Jamie: Is there anything that you really hope people take away?
Christopher: Probably the most central line through it all is purpose – not in the sense of a new project, endeavor, career, or family, though those can be purposeful, but the reason for your existence. Why are we here? What are we doing? There’s lots of quick ways to answer that – I want to be a great parent, a great leader, contribute to my society, or break through norms and lead change – but there’s something even more resonant that’s universal with all of us, and that’s this sense of higher purpose. What am I doing to evolve who I am? That could sound rather lofty, and it is, but when we bring it down to the everyday experience, it’s “How am I being in this world?”

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Should Niwot Incorporate? Minimum Wage Dispute Sparks Debate

Akshaya Krishnan — Fri, 10 Jul 2026 21:23:01 +0000

The debate began when several Niwot business owners and residents opposed a scheduled wage hike. Following pushback, the county rolled back the increase to $16.82 for 2026, implementing a 3% annual increase through 2030. Supporters of incorporation view this compromise as clear evidence that Niwot requires greater local autonomy.

Leading the campaign to incorporate is Niwot resident Nick Little, alongside a dozen other residents who formed the Niwot Incorporation Committee. The group has raised $150,000 to support the effort.

According to their website, incorporation offers Niwot a permanent choice. “Municipal corporations would create a local government elected by and accountable to Niwot residents with authority over the local decisions that shape daily life here,” the site states.

Little told the Left Hand Valley Courier that becoming a municipality would grant the town direct control over matters such as the minimum wage, planning and zoning, and emergency services. Committee materials emphasize that an elected local government would also secure Niwot a seat at the table during regional decision-making.

“The real question is, do we want to have a direct voice in how we are governed as a town?” Little told Yellow Scene Magazine. “We want to be able to control what downtown looks like, we want to be able to fix the roads, and we might have to raise taxes to do that. Incorporation, in our view, is the cheapest way to do that.”

The committee aims to empower Niwot to set its own policies and address infrastructure issues more effectively. Despite opposition rooted in a fear of change, organizers see this as the most practical solution. The incorporation process requires electing charter commissioners and passing a referendum this November, with the goal of achieving town status by next year.

: A map of Boulder County highlighting the unincorporated area of Niwot (red). Credit: Arkyan, via Wikimedia Commons (GFDL)

“It feels like a solution looking for a problem,” said Niwot resident Ari Adler.

In an interview with Yellow Scene Magazine, residents Ari Adler and Michael Delalla outlined their concerns regarding the proposed municipal plans. Adler launched the “Neighbors for Niwot” campaign to advocate for a “no” vote. The campaign challenges the pro-incorporation narrative by highlighting financial risks, including high administrative costs and the potential for municipal debt.

“Creating a municipal government is very expensive,” Adler said. “Home charter committees and municipalities have a lot of power. They can spend money on citizen’s behalf, they can rack up debt on our behalf. Across the country, there are a lot of towns that have a municipality that are struggling to pay their bills.”

Adler and Delalla both argue that Niwot’s infrastructure issues, particularly the roads, should be addressed from the ground up through a community-wide process that engages different neighborhoods and focuses on practical, equitable solutions. According to Adler, a Public Improvement District (PID) offers a more direct mechanism to fund road repairs because the revenue is tied to a specific issue. Incorporation, by contrast, would introduce a new layer of government with competing priorities.

“Niwot’s unincorporated status has forced residents to be more creative and resilient; I worry that incorporation could shift power towards developers, at the expense of the volunteers’ spirit that defines the community,” Adler said.

Delalla echoed the need to evaluate what would genuinely improve community life, suggesting that Niwot should pursue practical, affordable solutions that support local businesses rather than assuming incorporation is a cure-all.

Conversely, Little argued that a PID is too narrow a tool because it only addresses roads, leaving other municipal challenges unresolved. He noted that a recent PID initiative failed after a proposed $12 million tax increase sparked backlash. For Little, relying on separate neighborhood PIDs is inefficient and lacks economies of scale. He added that incorporation would allow accountable local leaders to manage roads, land use, and permits collectively, rather than forcing community volunteers to fight individual issues one by one.

Meanwhile, unofficial resident polling indicates strong resistance to the measure, with one survey suggesting that 91% of respondents oppose incorporation. While not an official or scientific measure, the data reflects the intensity of opposition regarding costs, bureaucracy, and potential shifts in Niwot’s character. The survey suggests opponents have been highly effective in framing the public discussion.

Ultimately, both sides share a common objective: a community capable of solving its own problems and preserving the distinct character of Niwot. Underneath the policy debates lies a unified belief that Niwot’s future should be shaped by the people who call it home.

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Nearly 20% of new moms have anxiety or depression, but a promising psychedelic treatment is on the horizon

Guest Contributor — Thu, 09 Jul 2026 01:08:52 +0000

This Storyshare is republished in whole from The Conversation.

Featured photo: Women with postpartum depression and anxiety have a higher risk of birth complications and death by suicide. Justin Paget/DigitalVision via Getty Images

by Camille Hoffman, University of Colorado Anschutz

About 1 in 5 women will experience depression and anxiety during pregnancy or in the year after giving birth. If untreated, a mother who has these conditions has a higher risk of birth complications, overall poorer health, impaired bonding and nurturing of her infant, and a higher risk of death by suicide.

But a new treatment moving through the Food and Drug Administration clinical trials process may be key to treating, or even curing, depression and anxiety in postpartum people. It is a newly named psychedelic, luvesilocin. It functions like psilocin, the psychoactive chemical within psilocybin mushrooms. It may be able to positively affect the unique hormonal shifts, brain changes, and disconnection that can lead to these conditions like no existing treatments.

In prior studies of psilocybin, researchers have observed rapid improvement in symptoms – and sometimes a cure after a single dose – of conditions such as major depression and PTSD. In a recent FDA Phase 2 study of luvesilocin, we found similar improvements in postpartum depression.

I was the site investigator for the University of Colorado, one of 35 participating sites across the U.S. The study enrolled 84 postpartum women who were within a year of giving birth and ended in May 2025.

I have spent my career as a board-certified obstetrician-gynecologist contemplating how the prenatal experience shapes lifetime health. I have also followed the psychedelic data closely. I’ve been eager to find evidence-based pregnancy and postpartum applications of psychedelics, given these drugs’ promise in treating other mental health conditions.

Depression and anxiety’s impact on moms and babies

One drug that has been studied and has enhanced our understanding of the way psychedelics work is MDMA, which is commonly known as ecstasy and causes a euphoric high.

According to peer-reviewed research published by Bessel van der Kolk in 2024, MDMA can lead to improvements in individuals being able to identify, describe and feel their feelings. Other improvements resulting from MDMA assisted therapy include more self-compassion and a broader desire and capacity for connection with others.

Connection, especially the earliest one between a mother and infant, plays one of the most significant roles in providing the foundation for humans to grow and flourish. Postpartum depression is often defined by disconnection and impaired bonding.

Auburn Harrison, who has three children and runs a nonprofit in Nevada, shares her experience of postpartum depression at a TEDx University of Nevada event.

Children born to mothers with untreated depression and anxiety have a higher risk of falling behind on early developmental milestones. They may also have behavioral concerns, such as hyperactivity or ADHD, and are more likely to withdraw from social activities. They tend to report somatic complaints, such as body aches and pains in early childhood.

Children of mothers who had depression or anxiety during pregnancy are also at risk of these same conditions as they enter their teenage years. They have nearly twice the risk of these conditions compared to teenagers whose mothers did not have untreated depression and anxiety. This pattern means depression and anxiety can become a multigenerational cycle. But this cycle can be interrupted with adequate treatment and support.

Increased levels of the hormone oxytocin were found by researchers in the blood of depression study participants who were given MDMA, LSD, and mescaline, which are all psychedelic drugs. The increase in oxytocin led to more feelings of trust, empathy, and connection.

Oxytocin is a hormone produced in the part of the brain called the hypothalamus and is released from the pituitary gland into the bloodstream. It plays a critical role in birth and infant feeding. It also aids in the wiring and formation of human social brains.

Oxytocin is important in maternal bonding with an infant. Conversely, early childhood stressors, such as a mother suffering from mental illness, reduce oxytocin levels in children. This may be a contributor to adverse mental and physical health outcomes later in life.

In depression studies that involved men, psilocybin did not have as great of an impact as other psychedelic medications on oxytocin production. But there is reason to believe that oxytocin may play a greater role in postpartum patients because it’s levels are higher during birth and lactation than in other phases of life.

FDA study of psilocybin-like medication

In February 2026, the FDA granted luvesilocin breakthrough therapy status. This status is used to speed up the development of promising new medications for serious or life-threatening conditions. The drug received this status because our research found meaningful and rapid reductions in depression scores in those who received the treatment.

In the Phase 2 study, 77% of postpartum women who received a psychedelic dose, 30mg of luvesilocin, had significant improvement in their postpartum depression. Overall, 71% had no symptoms of postpartum depression seven days after the psychedelic session.

The purpose of an FDA Phase 2 study is to determine the effectiveness of an experimental medication on a particular disease or condition. In this case, the study is evaluating luvesilocin’s effect on postpartum depression scores and symptoms. In the group that received the placebo, a microdose of the drug, more than half experienced an improvement in their symptoms, but most still had some symptoms after seven days.

In 2023, the FDA approved zuranolone, the first pill for treating postpartum depression.

These are much higher response and remission rates than trials of the existing medications used for postpartum depression treatment. Existing treatments include selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors, known as SSRIs, and a medication called zuranolone. The latter is the only medication to have specific FDA approval for postpartum depression.

Access to psychedelic treatments

In 2023, the Colorado legislature passed the Natural Medicine Health Act. It offers a legal pathway for people to receive natural psychedelics, such as psilocybin mushrooms, in therapeutic settings. The first natural medicine healing centers opened in early 2026. Some locations advertise treatments for everything from postpartum depression to birth trauma.

A video report from 9News covers the opening of Colorado’s second psilocybin healing center in early 2026 in Cherry Creek.

Oregon has a similar state-regulated program. Numerous other states have different pathways toward legal psychedelic-assisted therapies and decriminalization of psilocybin-assisted therapy. Nationally, there was a recent federal executive order to accelerate action on treating serious mental illnesses. The order included mention of the use of psychedelic therapies.

Looking forward

By the end of 2026, Phase 3 of the luvesilocin trial for postpartum depression is slated to begin. Phase 3 trials are conducted to confirm the effectiveness and further evaluate the overall risks and benefits of a new medication. Each phase is an important regulatory step before a medication can be approved and available in clinical settings.

In Phase 3, 200 participants with postpartum depression will be recruited across participating sites. While I’m optimistic about the potential of this research, I believe its value can be established only through rigorous blinded clinical trials, objective data analysis, and conclusions and approval that are fully supported by the evidence.

Phase 3 will also include participants who are still breastfeeding. A study of luvesilocin during lactation in healthy volunteers demonstrated very low levels passed from the mother into breast milk. Thus, this medication would be considered safe for breastfeeding.

Luvesilocin may become a game-changing postpartum depression treatment medication in just a couple more years. On a much larger scale, psychedelic medicine could elevate our collective well-being and happiness, replacing systemic cycles of depression, anxiety, trauma and isolation with connectedness and compassion. These drugs could literally rewire our approach to trauma, addiction and how we relate to one another.

Read more of our stories about Colorado.

Camille Hoffman, Professor of Medicine, University of Colorado Anschutz

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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For the Future: How Denver’s Youth Spent the 4th of July

Finn Feldman — Thu, 09 Jul 2026 00:32:31 +0000

Demonstrators gather outside the Colorado State Capitol building in Denver on July 4, 2026, with an American flag flying in the foreground. (Photo by Finn Feldman)

On July 4, 2026, a crowd of about 50 people gathered at the Denver Capitol building. Unlike a typical Denver protest, this demonstration was organized and led almost entirely by young people.

The march was spearheaded by The Youth Coalition, a Gen-Z civic organizing group, in partnership with several local organizations including PULSE, Jews Against ICE, and People’s March Denver.

Sam Parker, 16, led the crowd in a series of chants that included, “ICE, ICE, Shame on you, immigrants are welcome too,” “From Ireland to Palestine, occupation is a crime,” and “Trump is in the Epstein files, Trump is a pedophile.”

Co-organizer Sam Parker (left), wearing a Keffiyeh and a patched jacket, rallies the crowd during the July 4th demonstration outside the Denver Capitol. (Photo by Finn Feldman)

For many of these young demonstrators, the current political climate carries a profound sense of urgency. Parker emphasized this momentum: “The youth [are] not gonna rest. We’re not gonna let shit happen to us, we’re not gonna be complicit.”

Parker co-organized the event alongside fellow sixteen-year-old Bre Kennedy, who planned the demonstration for July 4th specifically to challenge standard narratives surrounding the holiday. Kennedy emphasized that “no one is free until we are all free,” noting that this sentiment includes Palestinians and all other oppressed populations.

Co-organizer Bre Kennedy (center) marches alongside other demonstrators during the Youth Coalition protest in Denver. (Photo by Finn Feldman)

To build this crowd, the organizers relied heavily on digital outreach. Many attendees discovered the protest via Instagram while looking for a way to voice their dissent on the holiday, highlighting how social media has become a key tool to mobilize a younger demographic

A sousaphone player with the activist marching band Notes of Dissent performs (Photo by Finn Feldman)

As the demonstrators marched down 14th Street, cars raced by, honking in both support and annoyance. Music echoed through the streets as Notes of Dissent, a local activist marching band, accompanied the demonstration.

Seattle Kay (right) speaks to another protester, marked with a positive attitude while still chanting for political change. (Photo by Finn Feldman)

The band provided background instrumentation to the crowd’s chants and played tracks ranging from “When the Ants Go Marching In” to Chappell Roan’s “Hot To Go.” According to their website, the collective aims to build solidarity across the Front Range, inviting community members to “dust off your old instrument and help us fight fascism with music.”

The protest retained some of the traditional joy of a Fourth of July celebration, balanced with sharp political critique.

“While we’re celebrating America, we are also fighting for America,” said 27-year-old attendee Seattle Kay, who described the atmosphere as both festive and purposeful. “We’re all out here getting to know each other and having a great time, but while also standing for the people who aren’t able to, and the people who are separated from their families.”

Protesters, including Seattle Kay (Center) march down 14th Street carrying a Palestinian flag and signs reading “Liberty & Justice for All” and “Convict, Impeach, Remove.” (Photo by Finn Feldman)

The sound of the demonstration even drew in passing residents. Xexal Night-Shade, 28, joined the crowd mid-march after hearing the music from their apartment.

Xexal Night-Shade marched through downtown Denver alongside other youth demonstrators after joining the protest from their apartment. (Photo by Finn Feldman)

“I heard the protest at my window, and I was looking for a protest to join today,” Night-Shade said, recalling how they quickly threw on their boots and ran down to the street.

Like many other attendees, Night-Shade had intentionally sought out a space to express political dissent on the holiday.

Beyond the immediate anti-ICE and pro-Palestine focus of the march, the crowd shared a distinct wave of optimism regarding local electoral politics. Much of the excitement centered on 29-year-old Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) member Melat Kiros, who recently unseated 15-term incumbent Diana DeGette in the primary for Colorado’s 1st Congressional District.

For the young organizers and attendees, Kiros’s primary upset represents a structural shift in political representation.

“[As young people] this is our future,” co-organizer Bre Kennedy said. “A lot of these older politicians or older people that are also fighting, they’re not going to live to see what we’re going to see in their own actions. Older representatives don’t have the experiences we have as kids to effectively voice how we feel.”

Kay echoed this sentiment, noting that seeing a woman in her 20s secure a major congressional nomination signals a broader trend of youth voter turnout and civic engagement. Kay expressed optimism about the rise of the DSA in Denver, citing the organization’s platform on universal healthcare and equal rights. However, Kay also emphasized that structural change requires a return to grassroots community unity. “Love your neighbor,” she said, urging a focus on mutual support despite political polarization. “They are trying to divide us, so the more that we let them divide us, the less we’ll be able to actually do.”

Nineteen-year-old MacGregor Lang, who spent the primary cycle canvassing for Kiros, stood at the front of the march. He views Kiros’s victory as a catalyst turning chronic youth pessimism into active urgency.

“This is our future,” Lang said, “it’s up to us to defend it.”

For Lang, meaningful political change requires individual courage and direct local action.. “Whatever you want in your life, take it,” he said. “And for me, that’s that’s taking action in my community: that’s standing up to oligarchy, that’s saying free Palestine, that’s saying we need a green new deal, and that’s saying fuck ICE.”

Lang raises a fist in the air with his back turned toward the crowd during the July 4th march. (Photo by Finn Feldman)

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Scene Stealers: Week of July 8th

Finn Feldman — Thu, 09 Jul 2026 00:10:16 +0000

Erie Balloon Festival, Jul. 10-12

The annual Erie Balloon Festival is back for its 28th year, featuring stunning hot air balloon launches in the morning, gorgeous night launches to light up the sky, paramotor aerial shows, beautiful tethered flights, delicious food trucks, and more—all wrapped up in one magical weekend.

Erie Balloon Festival | Jul. 10-12 • Colliers Pkwy. & County Rd. 5, Erie

Denver French Festival, July 10th-12th

Bring your friends and head on down to Denver on July 10th-12th for the annual Denver French Festival! From 4 PM to 10 PM on the 10th (event times vary each day), enjoy amazing food, wine tastings, and live music. See you there at Fillmore Plaza! No ticket purchase necessary.

Denver French Festival | Jul. 10th-12th • Fillmore Plaza, Denver

The Long Run: Louisville Summer Concerts in the Park, Jul. 16

Experience the legendary music of the Eagles with The Long Run. Hailing from the Front Range in Northern Colorado, this group has exceptionally re-created the ‘70s sounds of America’s best-selling rock band since 2009. This free event in the quiet, serene setting of Louisville Community Park offers local food trucks and fun for the whole family. Come enjoy “Colorado’s Tribute to the Eagles.”

The Long Run: Louisville Summer Concerts in the Park | Jul. 16 • Louisville Community Park, Louisville

Boulder Environmental Nature Outdoors Film Festival, July 16-19

The Boulder Environmental Nature Outdoors Film Festival immerses its audience in the worlds of the ocean, land, animals, and air through in-person screenings, live events, and exclusive Q+A sessions. International documentary features and short films from award-winning directors will explore topics such as clean energy, climate change, nature appreciation, and outdoor adventures. Screenings will be held at the Dairy Arts Center, and receptions will be held throughout Downtown Boulder during the four-day event.

Boulder Environmental Nature Outdoors Film Festival | Jul. 16-19 • Dairy Arts Center

The Odyssey Opening Night Party, Jul. 17th

What could make Christopher Nolan’s new film even more epic? Watching it on 35mm film dressed like a Greek God at Sie FilmCenter! Sie is hosting an opening night watch party with exclusive giveaways, themed drinks, and a costume contest. Come wearing your best warrior, god/goddess, or creature outfit and settle in for an epic night based on the epic tale.

The Odyssey Opening Night Party | Jul. 17th • Sie FilmCenter, Denver

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Spotlight: Filmmaker Aaryaman Patel

Jamie Lammers — Mon, 06 Jul 2026 23:22:13 +0000

Earlier this year, Boulder resident and filmmaker Aaryaman Patel released his latest endeavor, the short film Before Sunset, which focuses on a couple coming to terms with the sudden death of a friend. He recently had the chance to screen his film at the Bug Theater in Denver on June 18th as part of their Emerging Filmmakers Project. We sat down with Aaryaman to talk about the process of putting the final product together.

Jamie Lammers: Can you talk to me about how this film came to be?
Aaryaman Patel: The film is about something that I’ve thought a lot about, which is the finiteness of one’s life. I was on a walk one day on a trail. I’m sure you’ve seen there are these benches, usually dedicated to someone who has passed away. It just made me think a lot about this person who lived a life, and they’re no longer here. When you die, all your ideas, energy, thoughts, they just die with you. When you look at your own life from its finiteness, it makes you rethink a lot of what you do, and I wanted to explore that concept further.

Jamie: How long did you spend on the film?
Aaryaman: I wrote the script in, like, two days, and I wanted to film it that very weekend. We did a test rehearsal, we set up the next weekend, and we just shot the full thing. I had a friend [Clayton Hester]. I asked him if he wanted to be a part of it, and he was more than happy to be. We found an actress [Syvrina Renault]. I had another friend help with costume design. I already had the place in mind, where I wanted to shoot it, how I wanted to shoot it – it just came together really quick. The editing took a while, like, a month or so. The music is also original. I actually composed music with one of my other friends [Ryan Zheng].

Jamie: How long have you been making films in general?
Aaryaman: I made a lot in college. It’s probably been around four years or so since I started doing it more seriously.

Jamie: What sticks out to you about the medium of filmmaking?
Aaryaman: When I think of things that have changed the way I think, it’s usually been through films or books. I’ve grown up watching movies, and a lot of my inspiration for the things that I do has come from the movies I’ve watched. I wanna convey the ideas that I have through that medium because I think I understand what it means to me and how I can use it to make something that can help others make sense of the world and themselves through these stories.

Jamie: Is there anything you hope people take away from this film?
Aaryaman: While for me, it might be about this finiteness of life, there’s a lot about relationships and ambition and building a life for yourself that you love, so it’s very open to whatever the viewer feels resonates with them. I’ll leave it up to them to tell me what they took away from it, because maybe there’s something I didn’t think of that they noticed or saw that spoke to them.

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Op-Ed: America at 250 – Reform Without Revolution

Guest Contributor — Mon, 06 Jul 2026 20:18:55 +0000

America at 250: Are Americans Free Enough to Vote Their Conscience?

By Blake Huber

As America celebrates the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, many Americans are debating whether our Constitution still serves the nation it created. Some argue that because slavery was woven into our founding, the Constitution itself is fundamentally illegitimate. Others believe our institutions have become too outdated to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century.

Those are important conversations. But I believe they overlook a more immediate question.

If America is truly committed to individual liberty, why are we free to support multiple political campaigns throughout an election, but allowed to vote for only one candidate on Election Day?

The First Amendment protects our freedom to express political opinions in countless ways. We may endorse multiple candidates. We may volunteer for different campaigns. We may attend events sponsored by competing candidates. We may display signs supporting more than one candidate.

We may even contribute financially to as many political campaigns as we choose, limited only by law and our own pocketbook.

Our political freedoms recognize an important truth: support is not always exclusive.

Yet when we step into the voting booth, that freedom disappears.

The law tells us we may support only one candidate, even if we honestly believe several would serve our community well. We are encouraged to think strategically instead of honestly. We are told to choose the “lesser of two evils” rather than every candidate we genuinely approve.

That contradiction deserves far more attention than it receives.

Our current “vote for one and only one” election system rewards division. Candidates often succeed by appealing to a narrow base rather than earning broad public support. Alternative parties struggle to compete, independent voices are dismissed as spoilers, and voters are pressured into making defensive choices instead of sincere ones.

We should not be surprised that our politics has become increasingly polarized. We designed an election system that rewards polarization.

There is a better alternative.

Approval Voting replaces “vote for one and only one” with a simple principle: vote for one or more candidates you find acceptable. Every approved candidate receives one vote, and the candidate approved by the greatest number of voters wins.

The ballot becomes more expressive without becoming more complicated.

Approval Voting does not tell voters whom to support. It simply gives them greater freedom to express the support they already have.

It also changes political incentives.

Instead of asking, “How do I defeat my opponents?” candidates begin asking, “How do I earn the approval of more voters?” Building consensus becomes an advantage. Personal attacks become less effective. Candidates who can appeal beyond their own political base are more likely to succeed.

This reform does not require replacing the Constitution or abandoning our constitutional republic. It works within our existing constitutional framework while giving voters greater freedom and encouraging better representation.

The Constitution was never intended to be beyond improvement. It has been amended before, and our institutions should continue to evolve as America changes. But reform should strengthen liberty, not weaken it.

As we celebrate America’s 250th anniversary, I believe we should focus less on tearing down our constitutional system and more on improving the way it serves the American people.

The Founders left us a republic capable of reform. Our responsibility is to continue that work.

If we replace “vote for one and only one” with the freedom to “vote for one or more,” we will encourage broader consensus, stronger representation, and a healthier democracy.

If we fix how we vote, we will begin to fix what we get.

About the Author

Blake Huber has spent more than five decades advancing the cause of individual liberty, constitutional government, and electoral reform. His public service has included leadership as a state chair of the Libertarian Party, service on the Libertarian National Committee, participation in the founding of the Approval Voting Party, and campaigns for state and national office. He is currently the Libertarian Party candidate for the United States Senate from Colorado.

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Responsibility: The Missing Half of the American Experiment

Steve Nelson — Mon, 06 Jul 2026 17:01:33 +0000

“Fucking Commies!”

This celebratory Fourth of July phrase appeared recently on our town’s Facebook group page. It was, I believe, a reaction to a post reminding residents of the extreme fire danger posed by high winds, dry grass, and searing heat.

Another local resident offered a similarly ballistic diatribe over fireworks restrictions, grunting cathartically about the “tyranny” of past COVID-19 protocols. To both writers, public safety measures clearly represented an existential affront to the guarantees of freedom explicit in our founding documents (and sports bars everywhere).

This hyper-partisan rhetoric trickles from the top. During a past holiday speech at Mount Rushmore, Donald Trump drifted far off script. As The New York Times reported, he “read from an apocalyptic script as the stony faces of Washington, Jefferson, Roosevelt, and Lincoln looked on. He said the word ‘communism’ so many times, you might’ve thought the Cold War was still on.” To him and his followers, opponents are not just political rivals; they are “godless” and “evil.”

Fucking Commies.

Across the street, my invariably pleasant neighbors have a massive “FREEDOM” banner staked into a yard ringed with American flags. Up and down most American streets, flags fly and fireworks explode—damn the risks, and God Bless America.

Ambivalence and an Experiment

At a moment when our democratic republic seems most fragile—if not already irreparably shattered—I found myself scanning my mind and heart this holiday to find a reason to feel celebratory or proud.

As to “celebratory,” my family and I certainly enjoy freedom’s fruits; our privileges and opportunities are manifest. But as to “proud”? Not so much. I’ve always found “Proud to be an American” an odd claim. Most of us did precious little to achieve it. We are lucky, plain and simple.

My grandparents emigrated from Sweden and Holland. While they were hardly escaping tyranny, they found their small slice of the American dream and built a solid foundation for my parents, who in turn made my life possible. I feel genuine gratitude for this good fortune. The American experiment, as promised in the Declaration of Independence and codified in the Constitution, allowed this multi-generational flourishing.

Yet, one cannot celebrate such good fortune without noting the nation’s original sin: slavery. White folks’ freedoms grew expansively from generation to generation because its roots were planted in that same stolen soil, while Black women and men have realized only a halting, incomplete freedom.

This holiday ambivalence led me to a spontaneous experiment. I searched a digital text of the entire Declaration of Independence for the word responsible or responsibility. The search yielded “no result.”

Curiosity piqued, I pasted the United States Constitution into a document and repeated the search. Again: “no result.” I don’t claim a rush of historical originality, but it is an analysis I have never encountered. And I think it matters deeply.

The Perversion of Freedom

Our nation came to be through fighting oppression and escaping tyranny. In 1776, the declaration of freedom meant something entirely different than it does today. We have luxuriated in that freedom for most of our existence. Now, the word has been twisted and perverted, stripped of any collective meaning.

In the examples on my timeline—the fireworks-obsessed neighbor or Trump’s apocalyptic rhetoric—”freedom” has degenerated into a petulant cry: “I can do what I want, dammit.”

Our founding documents would have been infinitely more elegant and prescient had they paired our freedoms with our responsibilities. Responsibility provides the moral tether that holds raw freedom at bay, ensuring that one person’s liberty does not become another person’s burden. While this notion is occasionally honored in First Amendment jurisprudence—the classic “your fist ends where my face begins” analogy—that is about as far as it goes.

In matters of gun violence, fireworks stubbornness, and public health, individual freedom must be balanced with community responsibility. On a broader, vastly more consequential scale, the capitalist’s freedom to profit must be circumscribed by the health, welfare, and economic security of the community. Freedom without responsibility is inherently anti-democratic. It is merely selfishness masquerading as patriotism.

If I were inclined to decorate my home for the Fourth of July—which I am not—I would fly a banner with a single word printed in bold red, white, and blue: Responsibility. Perhaps we can start a trend for next year.

The Poet’s Duty

Several times a year, I find a reason to return to my favorite poem by the late Grace Paley, with whom I had a nodding acquaintance while living in Vermont. It serves as a vital reminder of what we owe to one another:

It is the responsibility of society to let the poet be a poet

It is the responsibility of the poet to be a woman

It is the responsibility of the poets to stand on street corners giving out poems and beautifully written leaflets also leaflets they can hardly bear to look at because of the screaming rhetoric

It is the responsibility of the poet to be lazy, to hang out and prophesy

It is the responsibility of the poet not to pay war taxes

It is the responsibility of the poet to go in and out of ivory towers and two-room apartments on Avenue C and buckwheat fields and Army camps

It is the responsibility of the male poet to be a woman

It is the responsibility of the female poet to be a woman

It is the poet’s responsibility to speak truth to power, as the Quakers say

It is the poet’s responsibility to learn the truth from the powerless

It is the responsibility of the poet to say many times: There is no freedom without justice and this means economic justice and love justice

It is the responsibility of the poet to sing this in all the original and traditional tunes of singing and telling poems

It is the responsibility of the poet to listen to gossip and pass it on in the way storytellers decant the story of life

There is no freedom without fear and bravery. There is no freedom unless earth and air and water continue and children also continue

It is the responsibility of the poet to be a woman, to keep an eye on this world and cry out like Cassandra, but be listened to this time.

Listen to her.

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The Stick Shift Misadventure

Nicholas Bernhard — Sat, 04 Jul 2026 18:01:47 +0000

Public Domain

There has never been a worse time to learn stick shift. Less than 1% of cars sold in 2025 had a manual transmission. Exotic cars are no exception: Ferrari has not sold a manual car in almost 15 years. Electric cars can provide maximum torque at all times; they don’t have a ‘transmission’ in the usual sense. I called Flatirons Subaru in Boulder to ask if I could trade in my automatic for a stick. They had zero stick-shifters in the lot.

My stick-shift interest comes from the sandy, mesquite-shrubbed canyonland of my soul. It’s the reason I write my own software, do my own oil changes, mail postcards, and make my own books on a 1960s typewriter. It’s why I have a bike repair stand in my garage, and why you can find me at the Waffle House at 1 AM. Ultimately, “that’s just the way things are done” is worth as much to me as — how shall I put this — a pair of porcine-posterior peccadilloes.

I posted an ad on Craigslist, saying I’d pay for stick-shift lessons. The response was instructive. Over a dozen people emailed me to say that the damage I could do to a car’s clutch was far greater than what I was offering. My best bet would be to find a beater car on Craigslist, and learn by doing.

The beater arrived at my house on a flatbed trailer towed by a minivan. It was a Volkswagen Jetta with a bumper sticker that read “S***box Edition.” The front bumper was in the back seat. The stereo had an anti-theft feature called “not existing.” I was informed that warning chimes would go off if the car went above 20 MPH. All that said, it was advertised as ‘drivable.’ Price: $600.

The owner was a mechanic in the Nebraska panhandle. Let’s call him Steve. Before I continue, I must stress that Steve is an honest, decent man. He showed more integrity than any customer service agent I’ve dealt with in the past year. Character is revealed when things get screwy. Things were about to get very screwy.

I told Steve about my plans to learn stick-shift. He offered to show me the basics before we completed the sale. This was, in hindsight, a very good choice.

Photo by Peter Anderson, licensed under CC BY-ND

I sat in the driver’s seat, and Steve rode shotgun. I put in the clutch and brake, and turned the key. Then, I began searching for the “bite point”. I stepped on the gas a little while letting my foot off the clutch. The car began moving. To its credit, the car handled this part well.

I live in a suburb of Broomfield with long, picturesque streets that curve through parks and farmland. In other words, an unwalkable food desert. Between remote workers and helicopter parents, there are no pedestrians to worry about. It’s the perfect proving ground for a student driver. The brown mounds of the Erie landfill rose up as I learned the gears.

Steve had a lot of helpful advice, like “Go go go go go!” and “Gas, now! Shift! Shift!” The quiet streets were a safe space to stall several times. I learned that driving stick means committing to the shifts. You can’t sort-of shift, or hesitate in the clutch-gear-gas movement. If the clutch is out and you let off the gas pedal, the RPM will drop to zero, and you’ll stall. Neutral gear is more than just Car Wash Mode in a manual: it has an actual purpose when the car is not moving. For stick shift to work, you have to be bold, and it wasn’t working. I made note of that.

We made our way through the suburb. The first time I successfully shifted into second, then third, Steve and I cheered.

Two miles into our loop, the Jetta lurched.

“Sorry,” I said.

“No,” said Steve, “you shifted fine. Hmm.”

Hearing a ‘hmm’ in the engine can be bad. Hearing a ‘Hmm’ from your driving teacher is worse.

The car stalled again. I went through the movements: brake and clutch, ignition, and the car started. We sat at a stop sign, and Steve listened.

“It shouldn’t sound like that…” muttered Steve. “Here, hop out.”

The car barely made it back. It died on the doorstep; not on *my* doorstep, but on my neighbor’s doorstep. Where his children like to play hopscotch. Steve opened the hood and unscrewed the radiator cap.

“Um, maybe we should wait–” I started. The cap popped off, and coolant started bubbling out like a witch’s cauldron brew. It flowed down the street in a green river–right in front of my neighbor’s house. I hooked up my garden hose and began spraying.

“Earth Week 1” by Nick Harris, licensed under Creative Commons BY-ND 2.0

Steve was mortified. He said this had never happened to him, and he felt embarrassed as a mechanic. I told him I expected some issues with the car, but to learn stick-shift it had to, you know, drive.

Before he drove down from Nebraska, I told Steve I would pay him for his time in case we didn’t go through on the sale. I reminded him of my commitment, but he refused my money.

Photo by David Day, licensed under Creative Commons BY 2.0

As Steve backed the S***box Edition onto the trailer, it started smoking. We shook hands and chatted about audiobook podcasts he listened to on long hauls. It was cloudy as he drove off in his minivan, car in tow. When the street was hosed off, I went over to my neighbor and explained how I owed him a favor now.

I am no closer to learning stick-shift, though my neighbor said he’d help teach me. For now, Broomfield’s streets are safe. The guy at Flatirons Subaru? Eh… he’ll get back with me if something rolls into the lot.

The next time I lurk on Craigslist, I’ll hope for a seller as honest as Steve. Why can’t we get a Steve at the state capitol? I’d take him over Jared Polis any day.

Until next time, I’ll practice keeping my foot on the gas.

Boldly.

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If Melat Kiros’s Victory Surprised You, You Weren’t Paying Attention

Destiny Hale — Sat, 04 Jul 2026 16:19:40 +0000

This piece is part of Yellow Scene Magazine’s Opinion section. The views expressed here are those of the author in their role as Associate Editor, and do not represent a reported news position. At Yellow Scene, opinion pieces speak freely, challenge assumptions, and say the quiet parts out loud.

Today is America’s 250th birthday, and the country is changing right under our feet. Just a few weeks ago, a stunned Democratic establishment struggled to grapple with sweeping primary wins in New York City by candidates backed by Mayor Zohran Mamdani. All three are democratic socialists, pro-Palestine candidates pushing populist economic ideas. Among them is Darializa Avila Chevalier, the newly minted nominee for New York’s 13th district. Her victory in the general election would make her perhaps the most left-leaning person ever elected to Congress.

In the wake of these political reckonings, many establishment figures tried to dismiss the results as a specific New York City anomaly. They argue that New York politics do not represent what the broader public wants. While there is truth to the statement that the metropolitan core is not a perfect reflection of all America, there is also a deep condescension hidden in that rhetoric. It assumes that those of us who live outside of the major coastal hubs cannot also want change. It implies we do not want to see politics done differently.

They are wrong. Last Tuesday, Melat Kiros defeated 15-term incumbent Diana DeGette in the Democratic primary right here in Colorado. Kiros is a former attorney who was fired after writing and refusing to take down a letter defending students protesting for Palestine. Now a democratic socialist candidate, she boasts a campaign platform promising to abolish ICE, end military aid to Israel, institute universal child and eldercare, and fully fund a transition to a zero-emissions energy grid.

Many of these positions are the exact types of things we have been told are impossible or not worth pursuing. Yet, they are what won her the race. As we face oppressive heatwaves and a punishing affordability crisis, it should not surprise us that voters chose a candidate who says they will fight for workers and make a substantive dent in the climate crisis.

In our editorial room at Yellow Scene Magazine, as we debated endorsements, I must admit there was initial skepticism toward Kiros and her ambitions. But I advocated for her to get our endorsement because I am sick and tired of settling for politicians who tell us what we cannot do. The rhetoric around Democratic primaries from the establishment has become toxic. Too much of it is centered on giving up before we even try. They offer no real vision beyond not being Donald Trump, or simply offering more of the same. Yellow Scene Magazine endorsed Kiros because we prefer candidates who would rather try and fail to fight for change than do nothing at all.

Kiros represents a type of leadership unlike anything we have seen before in Colorado. If you were surprised by her victory, it is only because you were not paying attention. Coloradans hunger for change too. As an associate editor, I see this reality day after day. I see it through the interns I mentor. The young people who write for us talk constantly about the protests they have attended and how they took up journalism because they see a media and political landscape that fails to reflect them. I see it in residents holding their city councils accountable, and in neighbors who are exhausted by an America that increasingly does not work for them.

Voters want more. Polling from Pew Research reveals that US adults view both the Democratic and Republican parties unfavorably. This is a stark data point. It means that what people are looking for is not a simple swing from red to blue, especially not in a strong blue state like Colorado. People want real change. They do not want old, well-connected politicians who are out of touch and have no fight left in them, nor do they want technocrats who simply tinker at the edges of broken systems.

Yellow Scene Magazine remains committed to covering this shift from our home in Boulder County and the north metro. Denver politics is not Boulder County politics, in the exact same way New York City politics is not all of America’s politics. Boulder tends to be a quieter district where centrists win more often and dramatic shake-ups happen less frequently. But it would be a mistake to count out Boulder County. The heavy presence at local No Kings rallies continues, and our cities are full of residents who are profoundly dissatisfied with local affordability and unrepresented by politicians who get nothing done.

Melat Kiros’s victory opens the door for all of us to see that a completely different type of politics is possible, even here.

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Would You Make the Switch?

Juliana Krigsman — Fri, 03 Jul 2026 20:49:46 +0000

Last September, Kevin Matisheck, tired of the constant distractions of his phone and social media, switched to a flip phone.

“I definitely wanted to fix my screen time and screen addiction because I felt like all of the time I spent on Instagram was sucking energy out of me and it was active time that I could be using on other stuff,” he told me. “I was really busy this past semester so I was like, I think I could be a lot happier if I cut that out. And for a while I did cut that out.”

Many young people, including Matisheck, a student at Lewis and Clark University, feel they spend too much time on their phones, and have joined a growing trend among Gen Zers to ditch their smart phones and go old school.

“I don’t like spending a lot of time on social media, but it just happens when I’m bored,” Amelia Bretz, a graduate student at the University of Colorado, said as we sat in her car. “I just feel unproductive when I’m on my phone a lot.”

She isn’t alone. In 2022, the Los Angeles Times reported that Gen Z spends an average of 7.2 hours a day watching videos on their phones, while a Stanford study from the same year revealed that most children receive their first smartphone around age 12.

These habits carry subtle consequences. “Phones can have small, often hidden, costs for well-being that can nonetheless add up over time,” Kostadin Kushlev, an assistant professor of psychology at Georgetown University, told the university’s online publication in February. “There’s an emerging literature around digital detox. There is evidence that disconnecting from technology can work in the short term, but what we lack is evidence on how to help people build sustainable digital habits that work in the long term.

To see if this generation is finding a path toward those sustainable habits, I spoke to several college students. Every student interviewed expressed a desire to switch to a flip phone, yet each cited an overwhelming dependency on modern tech as the primary barrier.

“I use it for everything,” said Simon Jones, a recent graduate from The New School in New York. “You kind of need it all the time. It would be a disadvantage to not have it at this point.”

Bretz faces the same dilemma. “I don’t want to be on my phone as much as I am,” she said. “But modern life requires it, whether it’s scanning a QR code menu or just going out to eat.

Matisheck, who had previously switched to a flip phone, but then switched back after it broke, described his experience to be transformative.

“There was a week and a half where I had no phone,” he said. “I did the thing where I was constantly grabbing for my phone and I didn’t have it. But eventually I felt way, way more human. I became a lot more focused. Focusing was easy for me. It’s like I had gained a new ability. If I wanted to do homework or read a book, I could just do it. And it wasn’t difficult for me at all.

Matisheck explained that navigating without Google Maps actually made traveling easier. “It forces you to pay attention to where you’re going and memorize directions,” he said. “It forces you to pay attention to where you’re going and actually memorize directions. […] I went to this one cafe and I noticed there’s a theater right next to it. And then that theater was playing this band I like. And so I went out to a show that I would not have gone to if I was not thinking and paying attention to the road.”

But, after his flip phone broke he returned to the smartphone. This time an iPhone SE instead of his old iPhone 15.When asked how he maintained his old minimalist habits, he admitted he couldn’t.

“When I got the iPhone SE, I felt that pull again just because the screen itself is so interactive,” Matisheck said.

“I wasn’t on Instagram, but my friends would make fun of me because I would literally be scrolling on Google Maps. I would look up something on YouTube and then find myself on Shorts. That screen really pulled me back in.

Despite his initial discipline, the friction of modern connectivity eventually won out.

“The truth of the matter is that I was originally very strict about I’m not gonna download or touch Facebook or Instagram on my iPhone. I think that lasted about two weeks,” Matischeck said. “It’s like, okay, whatever. I’ll just do it for a day. And ever since then I feel like I’ve lost that ability where I can just instantly focus. Life was easier. I felt more in control of my motion. And I think I’ve lost an ability.”

Yellow Scene’s 2026 Summer Support Drive is underway with a goal of 1,000 Sustaining Supporters by summer’s end.

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Why Denver stopped treating sidewalk repair as a DIY project – lessons for other cities and homeowners

Guest Contributor — Fri, 03 Jul 2026 07:00:25 +0000

This Storyshare is republished in whole from The Conversation.

Author: Wes Marshall, University of Colorado Denver

Featured photo: Sidewalks in need of repair in Denver used to be the homeowner’s responsibility. Courtesy of Wes Marshall.

Let’s say you drive over a pothole in front of your house in Denver and call the city. They come fix it within a few days. Problem solved.

Now let’s say the problem is the sidewalk in front of your house. You call the city again.

Until recently, city staff would have pointed you to their “Homeowner’s Do-It Yourself Guide for Hazardous Sidewalks,” where it clearly states that “sidewalk maintenance is the responsibility of the adjacent property owner.” This online document then suggests that if you need to remove a tripping hazard from your sidewalk, you could rent a “Masonry Rotary Grinder” from your local rental center.

Be sure to also get yourself some eye protection.

In most U.S. cities, a pothole is treated as a public problem, but a broken sidewalk – even one that blocks access – is treated as the homeowner’s problem.

A broken sidewalk in Denver. Courtesy of Wes Marshall.

It is not this way everywhere. In some older U.S. cities such as Boston and Washington, sidewalks have long been a public responsibility – the same as streets, water lines and sewers. But cities that grew up in a different era – or cities eager to offload maintenance and legal responsibility – treated sidewalks not as fundamental infrastructure but as an amenity tied to adjacent property.

More than three-quarters of the 30 most-populous U.S. cities take that same approach.

But not Denver – at least, not anymore. In 2022, the city changed its rules, not because city leaders suddenly changed course, but because advocates such as Jill Locantore and the Denver Streets Partnership got tired of waiting, organized and took the issue to the ballot. Denver allows citizens to initiate legislation, and the measure won handily, making sidewalks a public responsibility.

Denver’s sidewalk data

A sign for the ballot measure that ultimately was passed and made sidewalks part of the city of Denver’s responsibility. Courtesy of Wes Marshall.

Denver ended up with a citywide sidewalk program funded through a fee on property owners, typically $150 per household per year, and managed by the city. Instead of trying to get individual homeowners to fix bad sidewalks one segment at a time, Denver now has a system – and funding it can bond against – to repair, build, and maintain sidewalks as a connected public network.

Los Angeles underscores the contradiction. The law there still says adjacent property owners are responsible for sidewalk maintenance; yet, the city also runs a public repair program for larger sidewalk projects after years of ADA litigation made clear that this is not just a private matter.

But most cities don’t even know which sidewalks need fixing.

When I first took my job at the University of Colorado Denver in 2009, I taught an Introduction to GIS course, where students learned how to use digital maps to understand real-world problems. In prepping for that class, I dug into the city’s data and came away impressed by the fact that they had a sidewalk layer, basically a digital map of the city’s sidewalks. However, unlike nearly every other GIS dataset the city provided, the sidewalk one hadn’t been updated since 2004. The logic seemed to be that not seeing the problem protects you from liability. But sticking your head in the sand is not much of a long-term strategy.

Sidewalk safety, a tale of two cities

There is no such hesitancy with cities collecting roadway data. In one study, my colleagues and I interviewed staff from 16 U.S. cities about the information they track on their roads. One city told us that they had “no gaps in data and don’t need anything else.” Most others likely would’ve agreed with that sentiment.

We then asked the same questions about their sidewalk data. The tone of the responses shifted quickly. Audible frustration and an early disclaimer of “it’s complicated” were common. They told us that sidewalks just weren’t given the same priority as roads.

Why would they be? Or better yet, why should they be?

One reason is road safety.

Hoboken, New Jersey, has become the U.S. poster child for safe streets. Experts point to the success of interventions like curb extensions, high-visibility crosswalks, protected bike lanes, and lowering the citywide speed limit.

But before all of that, Hoboken undertook a systematic effort to catalog its sidewalks and their condition. The city runs an annual sidewalk inspection program where trained volunteers walk the sidewalks and record problems. Hoboken also developed a smartphone app so the inventory could be digitized instantly, including not just sidewalk defects but also things like burned-out pedestrian lights and damaged pedestrian signals.

Hoboken remains one of the many cities that put the onus to fix sidewalks onto adjacent property owners. But you can probably get away with that when your nickname is the “Mile Square City,” and your median income is more than twice the national average.

But nine consecutive years without a traffic fatality? In a city of nearly 60,000 residents and a daytime population of over 90,000? Hoboken must be doing something right, and focusing on sidewalks first may be part of it.

A sidewalk in Hoboken, N.J., made from brick is in good condition. Courtesy of Wes Marshall.

Springfield, Ohio, also has nearly 60,000 residents. Yet the city suffered more than 50 road fatalities over the past nine years. The list of contributing factors is long, but sidewalks matter.

In fact, in Springfield’s 2024 community survey, residents cited the condition of sidewalks and streets as the city’s worst problem. Over 90% of residents said they were dissatisfied with them.

To its credit, Springfield is looking to fix its sidewalks. And to be fair, doing so is much harder when your city is spread across 26 square miles (67 square kilometers) of land instead of one.

But giving property owners just 30 days to fix their own sidewalks? And adding the repair costs to their property tax bill if they don’t? There has to be a better way. I’m guessing that the residents along the 22 streets that recently received such notices would agree.

I live in Denver. The sidewalk in front of my house had some lips and dips that could’ve compelled me to rent heavy equipment and get to work. But the city came out and replaced it. Without my even asking.

So if you want to take a lesson from Denver, making sidewalks a public responsibility is possible. It can even be popular. And if you want to take a lesson from Hoboken and make your city safer, start with the humble sidewalk. Figure out where they are, and where they are not. Where they need to be repaired, and where they need to be replaced.

In other words, sidewalks come first.

Read more of our stories about Colorado.

Wes Marshall, Professor & Chair of Civil Engineering & Construction, University of Colorado Denver

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

The post Why Denver stopped treating sidewalk repair as a DIY project – lessons for other cities and homeowners appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Op-Ed – 250 is Enough: To Alter or Abolish

Guest Contributor — Fri, 03 Jul 2026 04:12:54 +0000

by Gary Swing

Featured photo: Gary Swing at the Independence Institute in Denver

The Pledge of Allegiance is a uniquely American phenomenon. The Pledge is routinely recited by schoolchildren. It is also commonly recited at many public events. This is a form of ritualized political indoctrination. I stopped reciting the Pledge of Allegiance in fifth grade. By the age of eleven, I understood that the Pledge is a form of propaganda based on lies and logical fallacies. People in a free society would not take oaths of loyalty to a government. The government should serve the people. People don’t serve the government.

People in the United States are indoctrinated to believe that the United States is the cradle of democracy and the leader of the free world. There is a cult of the Constitution and a cult of the Founding Fathers. The US Constitution is commonly viewed as something sacred. The Founding Slaveholders are worshipped as geniuses who designed the greatest system of government in human history. The reality is that the United States is stuck in the dark ages politically, still operating under the framework of an 18th-century constitution that was created in secret and designed to exclude 94% of the population from representation in government.

A legitimate government would be one that is based on the consent of the governed. The US government and its constitution were built on a foundation of slavery. A government built on a foundation of slavery can never be legitimate.

In 1772, the King’s Court ruled in the Somerset versus Stewart case that there was no legal basis for allowing slavery to exist in England and Wales. Four years later, 56 white men signed a Declaration of Independence from Great Britain. Forty-one of those white men were slaveholders – 73%. They established what historians Alfred and Ruth Blumrosen called a “Slave Nation” – in the name of liberty.

Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and George Washington were three of the biggest slaveholders in colonial America. Thomas Jefferson, the author of the Declaration of Independence, kept 600 people in slavery. James Madison, the primary architect of the US Constitution, had about 100 slaves. The first US President, George Washington, had 123 slaves. Only 1.8 percent of the population voted for George Washington for President. Washington, Jefferson, and Madison were all from Virginia, where 39 percent of the population was enslaved. Andrew Jackson was Donald Trump’s second favorite president – after himself, of course. Andrew Jackson had 200 slaves. Ten of the first twelve US Presidents had slaves.

Fifty-five delegates attended the US Constitutional Convention; twenty-five of them held slaves – or 45 percent. Eighteen percent of the US population was enslaved at the time. The US Constitution was signed by 39 of the 55 white men at the constitutional convention. There were about 3.9 million people living in the United States in 1790. Today, there are about 340 million people living in the United States under a Constitution that was designed to preserve slavery. No person living today ever voted to ratify the US Constitution. Abolitionist Lysander Spooner was correct when he called it a “Constitution of No Authority.”

Representation by state rather than by population in the US Senate and the Electoral College gave inflated representation to slave states. So did the “three-fifths compromise,” which counted slaves as three-fifths of a person. That gave extra voting power to slaveholders.

The United States is the only country that uses an Electoral College to select its chief executive. The Electoral College was modeled after the system that the Holy Roman Empire used to select its emperor.

The Electoral College and the US Senate should be abolished. These archaic relics of slavery institutionalize distorted representation by permanently overrepresenting less populated, rural conservative states. Each individual person should have equal voting rights. Political representation should be for people, not for “the imaginary beings called states,” as James Wilson argued.

The United States has developed an imperial presidency. The office wields far too much power, regardless of who occupies the office or what party they represent. Power should be decentralized. The chief executive should be an administrator, not a dictator. Policy should be set by Congress, not by one unaccountable person.

I propose to abolish presidential elections and replace them with a modern parliamentary system of government. Congress should choose a prime minister with strictly limited authority who can be removed from office at any time on a vote of no confidence. Supreme Court members should have term limits, not lifetime appointments.

In 1776, John Adams wrote that “a representative assembly… should be in miniature an exact portrait of the people at large. It should think, feel, reason, and act like them.” That’s the idea behind proportional representation voting systems.

Ninety-five countries now use proportional representation to secure fair, inclusive multiparty representation in their national legislatures. It is way past time for the United States to leave the political dark ages and catch up to the election systems that modern societies implemented in the 20th Century.

Members of a unicameral Congress and unicameral state legislatures should be elected by proportional representation. Each party should win seats in proportion to its share of the vote.

Electoral politics in the United States has always been dominated by white men. Proportional representation voting systems provide better representation for women and political minorities, including racial minorities.

In a letter to fellow slaveholder James Madison, slaveholder Thomas Jefferson wrote that: “The Earth belongs to the living generation.” Jefferson argued that a constitution could not bind future generations. He said a constitution should expire after one generation, which he estimated to be nineteen years.

Jefferson wrote: “Some men look at constitutions with sanctimonious reverence and deem them like the ark of the covenant, too sacred to be touched. They ascribe to the men of the preceding age a wisdom more than human, and suppose what they did to be beyond amendment.”

He wrote that: “Laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind. We might as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a boy, as civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors.”

I agree with Thomas Jefferson that each generation should create its own constitution. We are at least 220 years overdue to replace the Constitution designed by slaveholders with a modern system of government. Coincidentally, the 2012 Cambridge University study, “Conceptualizing Constitutions,” found that the average lifespan of national constitutions created since 1789 was nineteen years, before they were replaced with new constitutions – just as Thomas Jefferson proposed.

The convention that drafted the US Constitution didn’t intend to have popular elections for the president. The delegates at the Constitutional Convention voted three times — the first time unanimously — to establish a parliamentary system with the president being appointed by Congress. However, the delegates weren’t satisfied with that proposal, so a committee proposed the creation of the Electoral College instead.

Each state legislature would appoint a number of electors equal to the state’s number of members in Congress. These electors would vote in an Electoral College to choose the President. Two days after the conference report came out, the delegates voted to establish the Electoral College, but the language they used stated that each state’s legislature would determine the method for selecting the state’s presidential electors. Within twelve years after the ratification of the US Constitution, the Electoral College changed from a system of legislative appointment to a system for the public election of a slate of presidential electors. Today, the US has the world’s most ridiculous system for choosing its chief executive, using the longest, most expensive, most meaningless, and most cumbersome election process.

The US Senate is one of the most ridiculous legislative bodies in the world. Each state has two US Senators, regardless of the state’s population.

When the US Constitution was put into effect, the largest state had 11 times the population of the smallest state. Now, California has about 67 times the population of Wyoming, but each has two US Senate seats. This was not a principled decision by the framers of the US Constitution. It was “garbage in, garbage out.” At the Constitutional Convention, each state was given one vote, regardless of its population. Five and a half states voted for the creation of a Senate with equal representation for each state. Four and a half states voted against it. Three states abstained.

Massachusetts split its vote evenly. The states that voted in favor of the Senate represented a minority of the states with a minority of the US population. The smaller states would not agree to form a union without equal representation in the Senate. It was a coerced compromise.

The US Senate has consistently created an artificial conservative bias in Congress, giving more power to sparsely populated, rural, conservative states that tended to support slavery. The slave states were even given extra power in the US House of Representatives because the Census included each slave as three-fifths of a human being for the purpose of allocating each state’s number of US Representative seats. So the Constitution not only preserved slavery, but added insult to injury by using the practice of slavery to give even more representation to the slaveholders.

Between 1800 and 1860, the US Senate blocked Congressional votes against slavery eight times. Even after chattel slavery was abolished, the US Senate blocked legislation to protect the human rights of black Americans for another century. In recent decades, the equal representation of small states in the US Senate has artificially inflated the conservative Republican representation in Congress and established the ability of a conservative minority to block judicial appointments.

As attorney Thomas Geoghegan wrote in his argument for abolishing the US Senate, “the Constitution itself is an illegal act: from the Continental Congress, the delegates to the Constitutional Convention had only the narrower mandate of amending the Articles of Confederation, and the amending of the Articles was supposed to require a unanimous vote. Instead, the Framers went rogue and drafted a whole Constitution to be adopted for thirteen states if just nine agreed. Our country has never been legitimate by any standard that would hold up in a court.”

The United States has one of the world’s most difficult processes for amending or replacing its constitution. A constitutional amendment requires a two-thirds majority by Congress to propose and a three-fourths majority of state legislatures to ratify. Maintaining the status quo established by 18th-century slaveholders doesn’t require the consent of any living person.

The US Declaration of Independence declared that people have the right to alter or abolish their form of government when it becomes destructive of their rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The right to political self-determination is fundamental.

Where does the United States stand today? The US has the most extensive military empire in human history. With 4 percent of the world’s population, it has 40% of the world’s military expenditures. It has an arsenal of nuclear weapons capable of destroying all life on Earth. The United States is the only country on Earth with more guns than it has people. It has an imperial presidency with a chief executive who acts like a dictator, unchecked by a corrupt Congress and a corrupt Supreme Court. The United States is the only major industrialized nation without a universal health care system. The United States ranks in 28th place on the Democracy Index, rated as a “flawed democracy.” The US ranks in 79th place for representation of women in its national legislature.

The 13th Amendment outlawed slavery in the United States, except as punishment for a crime. In 1860, there were nearly four million people living under chattel slavery in the United States. Today, the United States has more people in prison than any other country – nearly two million people. Forced labor has shifted to the prison system. The Global Slavery Index estimates that about 1.1 million people still live under conditions of modern slavery in the United States.

The United States has the longest surviving constitution in the world, perhaps due to the procedural difficulty of replacing it with a modern system of government. The post-apartheid government of South Africa is widely regarded as having the most progressive constitution in the world. South Africa’s constitution is founded upon the principle of “unity in diversity.” It recognizes positive rights, including the rights to health care, education, housing, and a clean environment.

Elections in the United States are mostly predetermined by the demographics of single-member districts under a winner-take-all voting system. Only two parties are represented in Congress. In South Africa, more than 98% of voters are able to elect representatives of their choice. They have eighteen parties represented in their national parliament.

One good thing that the US Constitution did was that it established the United States as the first nation to ban an establishment of religion, under the First Amendment. Thomas Jefferson explained this as a “wall of separation between church and state.” Today’s Republican Party wants to tear down the wall separating church from state, and build a massive border wall as the world’s biggest monument to white supremacy.

Is it time to fundamentally alter or abolish the 18th-century constitution of a Slave Nation? Two hundred and fifty years after white male slaveholders declared their independence from Great Britain, should the United States government continue to exist? That government has never been legitimate. The idea of abolishing the federal government of the United States and making each state an independent nation is worth considering. Two hundred and fifty years is enough.

Former Boulder resident Gary Swing was a Unity Party candidate for state Senate District 18 in 2024. He now lives in Tucson.

Gary Swing at Independence Hall in Philadelphia

The post Op-Ed – 250 is Enough: To Alter or Abolish appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Letter to the Editor: Response to “Antisemitism is the Big Tent for Fools”

Guest Contributor — Thu, 02 Jul 2026 00:45:55 +0000

The following letter was sent to Yellow Scene Magazine. As with all Letters to the Editor, the views expressed are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the publication.

Dear Editor,

I respond to the letter published on June 30 with the title, “Antisemitism is the Big Tent for Fools.” The author argues that anti-Zionism is not antisemitism; the former opposes the existence of the State of Israel while the latter is Jew-hatred. It is not that simple. For starters, Israel is the national homeland of the Jewish people and is the only country in the world whose right to exist is questioned. And, it is the only country in the world where Jews constitute a majority of the population. At the outset, one must ask why there is this special animus – indeed hatred – against this one country. Could the fact that it is Jewish play any role in that hatred? I think so.

Second, Israel was established by a vote of the United Nations after the British Mandate to govern the area ended in 1947. Israel’s sovereignty has been recognized by the United States, the Soviet Union, and the European countries. In fact, 163 of the 192 members of the United Nations recognize it as a sovereign state. The countries that do not recognize Israel are Muslim countries and Cuba, North Korea, and Venezuela. The Muslim countries, which are the most numerous among those that have not recognized Israel, simply do not want a Jewish country in an area that they believe should be all Muslim. In other words, no Jews allowed. That sounds like antisemitism to me.

The most important reason that demonstrates that anti-Zionism is antisemitism is reflected in the rhetoric of the so-called anti-Zionist, a rhetoric that basically calls for the extermination of the Jewish population of Israel. What does “from the river to the sea Palestine shall be free” mean other than the elimination of Jews? Iran has been an implacable foe of Israel since the Iranian revolution of 1979, calling for the elimination of the Jewish population in Israel, continually threatening Israel, and training and arming its terrorist armies (Hezbollah, Hamas, etc.) to carry out this genocide. That is what antizionism looks like on the ground – a bloodthirsty attempt to eliminate Jews. One need only look at the videos taken by Hamas terrorists on October 7. This was unadulterated Jew hatred in the guise of “resistance.” This is what “antizionists” are supporting, and it is antisemitism.

Israel has been a sovereign country for 78 years and has contributed mightily to the world in that time, as evidenced by Nobel prizes in many fields, stunning technological achievements, medical inventions, etc. It has tried in good faith to implement the UN resolutions calling for a two-state solution and has been rejected time after time. The Jewish residents are not going to leave the land and are not going to stop defending themselves from attacks. Those who call for its destruction are calling for continued violence and war. That’s a tragic mistake.

Sincerely,

Mark Loewenstein

The post Letter to the Editor: Response to “Antisemitism is the Big Tent for Fools” appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Scene Stealers: Week of July 1st

Juliana Krigsman — Wed, 01 Jul 2026 14:57:19 +0000

Where We Roam: A Show For Public Lands Opening Reception, Jul. 3:

The NoBo Art District opens a new exhibition, Where We Roam: A Show For Public Lands, with a reception on Friday, Jul. 3 at 6 PM. The exhibition, curated by Robin van Wageningen, features 20 Coloradan landscape artists whose work advocates for the connection, memories, and recreation fostered by shared public lands. Where We Roam: A Show For Public Lands will be on display at the Bus Stop Gallery from Jul. 3-25.

Where We Roam: A Show For Public Lands Opening Reception | Jul. 3 • Bus Stop Gallery, Boulder

Canyon Collective’s Psychedelic Hoedown with River Spell, Jul. 3:

Canyon Collective’s coming to Ned General for a special Jul. 3rd hoedown, celebrating the struggle against injustice that came before independence. This unforgettable night will feature live funk and psychedelic tunes from Canyon Collective and River Spell, a special dinner menu, and vendors, all wrapped up in the spirit of anti-imperialism.

Canyon Collective’s Psychedelic Hoedown with River Spell | Jul. 3 • Ned General, Nederland

City of Louisville: Fourth of July Fireworks, Jul. 4th

Bring your friends and family to Coal Creek Golf Course in Louisville on Jul. 4th for the ultimate 4th of July celebration. Enjoy live music, delicious food, and epic fireworks behind the backdrop of the Rocky Mountains. Parking fills up fast, so make sure to get there early! Hope to see you there from 6 to 10!

City of Louisville: Fourth of July Fireworks| Jul. 4th • Coal Creek Golf Course, Louisville

Street Faire: North Mississippi Allstars, Jul. 10

Enjoy contemporary blues and rock sensation North Mississippi Allstars at the Jul. 10th Louisville Street Faire. The four-time GRAMMY-nominated quartet is hitting the road after releasing their latest album, Still Shakin’. Front Street will come to life like never before as the “Allstars” bring their Mississippi charm and improvisation. All the while, friends and family will twirl in the soft fading light of Louisville’s historic downtown.

Photo via Instagram

Street Faire: North Mississippi Allstars | Jul. 10 • Front Street, Louisville

Gimme Gimme Disco, Jul. 11th

Time to prove you are truly the Dancing Queen at this ABBA and classic disco dance party in Denver! Put on your sequined flare jumpsuit and best dancing shoes for a night of the Bee Gees, Donna Summer, Cher, and other 70s/80s classics that’ll have you dancing like no one is watching. Bring a friend or have the best solo experience, and be sure not to miss this traveling disco party.

Gimme Gimme Disco | Jul. 11 • Marquis Theater, Denver

Yellow Scene’s 2026 Summer Support Drive is underway with a goal of 1,000 Sustaining Supporters by summer’s end.

For 26 years, we have remained fiercely independent, free from sponsored content and outside editorial influence.

Reader-driven support keeps local journalism unbossed, unbought, and our journalists fed. Become a sustaining supporter for $8/month and get Yellow Scene delivered to your home.

Join the Summer Support Drive and keep local journalism strong.

The post Scene Stealers: Week of July 1st appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

“If Christmas is family, then Pride is like found family.”

Juliana Krigsman — Tue, 30 Jun 2026 19:00:53 +0000

On a hot June day, I sat outside with CU student Lily Dennis, the low hum of engines bouncing off the nearby road. The conversation was about Pride month and what it means during the Trump Administration.

“I think that [Pride] is more important now than ever. To remember the history, especially as it’s being erased,” she said.

In the past year and a half since Donald Trump took office, his administration has systematically rolled back trans rights and attacked the queer community. The military has banned transgender individuals from serving, made it “official” US policy that there are only two genders, threatened to withhold federal funds from hospitals that continue to offer gender affirming care for minors, and dismantled the 988 LGBTQ+ hotline for suicide prevention. Despite this more than 500,000 people showed up to Denver Pride this year, and around 2,000 in Erie.

“I didn’t really grow up knowing that I was queer,” Dennis told me. “And my family is not very accepting, so it’s been a struggle. To me, Pride is an important part of who I am.”

At Erie Pride, a young girl opens her arms as if in embrace, a Pride flag draped across her shoulders. Photograph by Luna Wolf/Yellowscene Magazine

Pride first began in 1969 after the Stonewall rebellion in New York City. Every June since then, people flock to the streets in cities and towns across the country, in celebration of the queer community. But for some, like CU student Criss Buzzalino, Pride this year is particularly important.

“In the deep south, the Queer Community in my hometown is incredibly tight and incredibly strong,” he said. “We all have each other. We all have each other’s backs. […] There’s so many people who are afraid of being who they are, and coming together in the face of oppression and marginalization, especially because a lot of the South Carolina queer scene is people of color. It’s just such a diverse, incredible and strong group of people.”

Ella Lee, a student at CU as well, told me that this year, Pride means a lot to her too.

“It’s an important act of resistance this year for me in particular. Showing up to events and being in my community means a lot more because connecting with other folks is scarier and harder than ever, with the way the administration has been attacking people,” she said. “It also means a lot to see other people that I wouldn’t expect showing allyship. It’s stuff like that that makes this month really important to me and for queer people in the community. Just knowing that there are people out there that still care and will show their support and will stand up for you.”

When I spoke with Micah Caswell, the Director of Communications and Strategy at Rocky Mountain Equality, an LGBTQ+ advocacy group that organizes Pride events in Colorado, they told me that while the group didn’t yet have their finalized data collection on the number of attendees, they suspect there were more people at Pride this year compared to last.

“I think that Pride has always been a time to come together, not just for the LGBTQ Community, but also with our allies and our families who support us,” they said. “That’s really been highlighted for me in the Prides that I’ve attended this year and that we have organized. I think that seeing that is more important than it was a couple years ago. It’s hard to show up and be happy when we’re under attack, but we do it because we always have.”

A group of people sits on the grass, mid conversation. At their feet, tubs of lemonade are resting next to colorful Pride flags. Photograph by Luna Wolf/Yellowscene Magazine

As reported in Out Front Magazine, there are a total of 17 Prides taking place across Colorado this year. “If Christmas is family, then Pride is like found family,” Buzzalino told me. “I get to put glitter on my face, wrap myself and my friends in a Pride flag, and go run rampant in the streets.” According to the Human Rights Campaign, this year alone more than 75 anti LGBTQ+ executive orders have been signed. That’s double the amount signed last year.

“I think that when a lot of people think about resistance and what that means, especially with what we see happening to us, it feels exhausting,” Caswell said. “I am really happy that as a community we have figured out that being ourselves unapologetically with each other in public spaces is resistance.”

Yellow Scene’s 2026 Summer Support Drive is underway with a goal of 1,000 Sustaining Supporters by summer’s end.

For 26 years, we have remained fiercely independent, free from sponsored content and outside editorial influence.

Reader-driven support keeps local journalism unbossed, unbought, and our journalists fed. Become a sustaining supporter for $8/month and get Yellow Scene delivered to your home.

Join the Summer Support Drive and keep local journalism strong.

The post “If Christmas is family, then Pride is like found family.” appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Letter to the Editor: Antisemitism Is The Big Tent For Fools

Guest Contributor — Tue, 30 Jun 2026 08:31:14 +0000

Antisemitism is rising. I read this almost daily, and I have no reason to doubt it, and I am sad to see it occurring. And though, importantly, Palestinians are Semites too, the common interpretation is that this is negative, and even deadly opinions and actions taken against Jewish people. While people may misunderstand that term’s definition, throw in anti-Zionism and discussions become heated and too often adversarial.

I’m here for it. To be clear, this is a response to Wynn Howell’s letter to the editor titled “The Socialism of Fools.”

According to Wikipedia, “Zionism[a] is an ethnocultural nationalist movement that emerged in late 19th-century Europe to establish and support a Jewish homeland through colonization in the region of Palestine.” The definition, from the same source, for antisemitism is “Antisemitism[a] or Jew-hatred is hostility to, prejudice towards, or discrimination against Jews.”’ Importantly, anti-Zionism is defined, again by Wikipedia, as “opposition to Zionism,” or an opposition to “an ethnocultural nationalist movement that emerged in late 19th-century Europe to establish and support a Jewish homeland through colonization in the region of Palestine.” And based on that definition, one needs to know the definition of colonization is: “the act or process of sending people to live in and govern another country,” and such people are described as “settlers.”

For those who missed it, almost exactly a year ago an Egyptian man showed up and viciously attacked people participating in a Run for Their Lives weekly demonstration. Without labeling the attack that killed an 82-year-old woman any of the above, I hope everyone reading this can find the heart and logic to call it an awful, vicious, and cruel murder. Full stop.

Where arguments begin, and go on and on, though, is, at least for me, when people like Howell try to label this an act of antisemitism. I left my church in Boulder because they joined many other houses of faith in Boulder and called it just that, exactly as Howell has done. And Howell and these houses of faith are far from alone, because, from District Attorney Dougherty to Boulder chief of police, the politically connected can hardly wait to assign this term to the attack.

According to reports, the man who committed the attack and will now serve a life sentence, “he learned of the Run for Their Lives walk after searching for ‘Zionist’ events online, according to the 12-count indictment.” I challenge anyone reading this to find a quote in which he expressed Jew-hatred, because he was clear: he wanted to kill Zionists, and yes, he shouted “free Palestine,” which the ADL and any virulent supporter of Israel’s response to the October 7, 2023 attack will tell you is antisemitic. Certainly I would expect Rachel Amaru, the organizer of Run for Their Lives, to say this. If ever there was a Zionist, it is Rachel Amaru.

People like Amaru, Dougherty, and far too many others, including Wynn Howell, ignore what the man who murdered an innocent woman said, in order to label this attack antisemitic. They have to, because if the killer’s stated motivation is part of the conversation, their label fails. And, no doubt, some, like perhaps Dougherty and Howell, have good intentions: they see the rise in antisemitism, recognize the historic danger of such beliefs, and speak out.

Unfortunately, their efforts are misguided, so much so that these efforts are leading, arguably, to antisemitism.

Tell someone that if they believe Palestinians, driven from their homeland in 1967 during the Nakba, or, according to Wikipedia, “the ethnic cleansing of Palestinian Arabs by Israel through their violent displacement and dispossession of land, property, and belongings, along with the destruction of their society and the suppression of their culture, identity, political rights, and national aspirations,” that claiming any critique of Israel is antisemitic, and you have laid the seeds to foment actual antisemitism. If I am told that critiquing Israel’s slaughter of children, families, and innocent people in Palestine is antisemitic, often by Zionists, if I am not paying attention, it becomes easy to become anti-Israel, or worse, anti-Jew. Lord knows I have read some articles about the horrific actions of Israel in the last few years and wept and prayed to God to not let me descend to hating Jewish people. Thankfully, my experiences have included working with some incredible people of that faith in Boulder, and I know how deeply committed they are to truth and justice for even the least empowered, such as people experiencing homelessness—Rachel Amaru included. That they lose all objectivity when tasked with showing the same objectivity and empathy towards Palestinians is sad but plainly apparent.

Despite the detestable reactions of such people, I choose, and hope you, dear reader, do too, not to let the acts of even what appears to be a majority of Jewish people in supporting Israel’s genocidal acts towards Palestinians lead me to sweeping negative beliefs about Jews, who include those who practice the religion and those who simply identify as a Jewish person, separate from religion.

On this, Howell and I may agree. But that is where our agreement ends. They wrote in their letter to the editor, “Right now, though, I am both disturbed and disappointed by some of my fellow lefties, who have become the unwitting tools of White Christian Nationalists by crossing the line into clear antisemitism. Some have even gone so far as to embrace such a misguided worldview that they’ve convinced themselves that hostility toward Jews is morally justified.”

If “lefties” are “convince[ing] themselves that hostility toward Jews is morally justified,” then I would agree with Howell. But because I have attempted to debate them online about the difference between antisemitism and anti-Zionism, and was blocked from the Colorado Working Families Party, probably by Howell, I have a strong basis to believe they are pointing at people like myself. People who challenge their big tent definition of antisemitism, who would point out that what they are really saying, if not intentionally, is that they are all in for colonization.

The sad thing for me is that this big tent definition of antisemitism, the one that says any critique of Israel’s genocidal actions against Palestine is antisemitic, is very likely causing antisemitism. When any critique of Israel murdering children is deemed antisemitic, such as Ms. Rachel, a children’s educator, who simply makes statements in support of the dignity and value of all children and gets attacked as a result as antisemitic, some people may choose not to pray to keep them from feeling ill will towards Jewish people. Some people may, lazily and with great risk of resultant harm, begin to hate Jews. That is, being told your opinion is that of a Jew-hater because you in fact hate seeing Palestinian children like five-year-old Hind Rajab slaughtered in cold blood by the Israeli military will inevitably lead to some of those people feeling a hatred for Jewish people.

To do so is wrong, but certainly an understandable human emotional response. Fight it.

But also, fight people like Rachel Amaru, and even possibly well-intentioned but extremely off-the-mark critics such as Howell. Many of them call any Jewish person who is willing to expose themself to vicious attacks by critiquing Israel “self-hating Jews.” If antisemitism is defined as a Jew-hater, such labeling of Jewish people who dare to cite their own religion in calling out Israel’s genocidal acts against Palestinians conveniently labels even such Jewish people as antisemitic. It’s a big tent, designed too often to shut down any criticism. Don’t fall for it.

Each of us is presently answering the question: what would I have done during the Holocaust? For myself, I will not be silent, and I will not let a perhaps well-intentioned person like Howell distract me from objectivity with labels designed to impugn my character. They should worry about their own.

Darren O’Connor

He/him/his

The post Letter to the Editor: Antisemitism Is The Big Tent For Fools appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Decoding Dark Money in Colorado Elections

Zach Martino — Tue, 30 Jun 2026 01:10:48 +0000

This past month, Yellow Scene Magazine published our endorsements for the upcoming primary election. What haunted much of our coverage was the specter of dark money: who has it, who does not, which donors we viewed as disqualifying, and which we did not. Particularly in a post-Mamdani electoral landscape, a candidate’s financial connections are beginning to resonate deeply with everyday voters.

Candidates have learned to capitalize on this shift, weaponizing their opponents’ financial ties against them to sell themselves as grassroots alternatives. Whether pointing out candidate Heidi Henkel’s ties to One Main Street or the hundreds of thousands accepted from AIPAC by Senator Michael Bennet, opposing campaigns are leveraging these relationships to paint themselves as the true champions of the common person. At the same time, there is far more nuance here than what is typically expressed during the mudslinging and political shots taken in debates. How did we get here, how should we understand the mechanics of dark money, and most importantly, if almost everyone agrees its influence on elections is undesirable, which candidates are actually willing to curb it? Yellow Scene Magazine reached out to candidates and conducted our own digging to tackle these questions.

To understand the current crisis, it is necessary to first separate how political campaigns are financed. Campaigns are expensive, and spending correlates strongly to winning. Traditional election spending, or “hard money,” comes directly from campaign fundraising. Hard money features strictly disclosed donors and legal limits to individual donations, and includes standard Political Action Committees (PACs). On the other hand, outside or “soft money” comes from external corporations and nonprofits, which can under certain conditions accept unlimited amounts of money from individuals, corporations, or unions. Outside groups that are not required to disclose their original sources of funding are what we define as dark money groups.

As a nation, we arrived at this point in 2010, when five conservative Supreme Court justices hampered campaign finance laws by overruling four liberal appointees in the landmark Citizens United case. The Court ruled that a ban on independent expenditures from corporations violated free speech under the First Amendment, allowing corporations and nonprofits to spend unlimited amounts on political races. In the following years, the Courts have reversed even more legal precedents, allowing entities to use their treasuries for electioneering expenses and independent expenditures directly for political candidates. Later in 2010, the Court ruled that PACs could accept unlimited money as long as they did not coordinate with campaigns, which prompted the creation of independent expenditure committees, commonly known as Super PACs. These decisions granted outsized political power to these organizations and facilitated the spread of dark money.

According to Colorado law, independent expenditures are contributions made “without the support of or coordination with a candidate, candidate committee, or candidate’s agent”. Independent Expenditure Committees (IECs) in Colorado are required to disclose the occupation and employer information for any donations exceeding $250. In theory, IECs must legally function without candidate coordination. In practice, this boundary is incredibly difficult to enforce.

This dynamic creates a scenario where a candidate can be running a completely clean, grassroots race, only for a wealthy, moneyed interest to decide to throw its financial weight behind them unprompted. Conversely, other candidates deliberately cater their platforms to court these financial windfalls. Because of how IECs operate, it is challenging for voters to distinguish one from the other and know exactly when a candidate should be held accountable for the outside groups bolstering their campaign.

Furthermore, nonprofits and shell companies can give unlimited money to these PACs, effectively turning them into dark money outlets when the original donations cannot be traced. IECs thus give the appearance of being transparent while potentially operating as conduits for dark money. Nonprofits funding these PACs are legally required to spend less than half their money on political activity, but these organizations routinely skirt the rules by funneling money back and forth between different entities.

Dark money has become rampant across federal and state elections. Yellow Scene Magazine published a deep dive last year detailing how anti-public school billionaire Reed Hastings routinely funded pro-charter school candidates, essentially buying access to educational boards over the course of several years. We have also reported on moneyed interest groups popping up across Boulder County over the last five years, exerting influence in Louisville, Erie, Broomfield, and beyond.

Television ads, online ads, and mailers constitute the bulk of dark money spending, representing the front-facing result of outside money that Colorado voters see the most. Kenny Nguyen, running for re-election in House District 33, noted that voters are tired of the “bombardment of advertising” during campaigns.

Nguyen stated that reporting rules for donations are too loose to track, and repercussions are far too few.

“Colorado is a complaint-based system, and as a grassroots campaign we don’t have an army of attorneys to file complaints,” Nguyen wrote.

Mapping the paper trail of dark money remains the most difficult hurdle for anyone hoping to understand who is spending on whom. With shell companies, LLCs registered in other states, and creative funneling methods, the trail is often too convoluted for an informed voter to follow.

Anil Pesaramelli, a candidate for House District 19, echoed these concerns.

“Most voters do not have the time, expertise, or resources to trace money through layers of Independent Expenditure Committees, nonprofit organizations, political committees, and pass-through entities.”

Junie Joseph, running for House District 10, agreed that tracing IEC money “often requires significant time, expertise, and resources”. She added that “transparency should be meaningful and accessible, not something only political insiders can understand”.

Even if a voter could excavate all the outside money in a given election, they would be forced to make voting decisions based on which organizations are deemed “good” or “bad”. Nguyen made a point to note that all IECs are not the same, acknowledging that his own campaign is a recipient of financial support from union backed IECs. He argued that groups like the Colorado AFL-CIO identify themselves transparently when spending, whereas corporate special interests like oil and gas or private prisons do their absolute best to hide who they are behind nonprofits before dumping cash into an IEC. Cervantes noted that labor and conservation groups, organizations considered by some to be defensive IECs, are often created in direct retaliation to those built by major corporations. This ethical proposition introduces a heavy moral obligation, leaving voters wondering if certain financial connections are strong enough to mar a candidate’s credibility, or if certain links are tenuous enough to forgive.

Even though IECs are barred from coordinating with campaigns, politicians have found ways to dodge these rules with few repercussions. A prominent example includes a retreat at a Vail hotel last October between Colorado lawmakers and lobbyists, which ultimately spawned an ethics complaint. The retreat was hosted by the nonprofit Colorado Opportunity Caucus. One Main Street, a group heavily invested in Democratic primaries in recent years, maintains financial connections to that nonprofit. This May, lawmakers backed by the caucus struck down legislation that would have required caucuses like themselves to disclose their funding.

The systemic nature of the problem is acknowledged even by those within the majority party. Junie Joseph wrote that money’s “influence can be used not only between political parties but also within parties to reward allies, punish opponents, and shape political outcomes”. She noted, “The difficult truth is that many people in positions of power, including Democrats in a state like Colorado, where we hold a trifecta, understand the power of money and are often reluctant to give up tools that can be used to maintain influence.”

Kenny Nguyen reinforced this reality, writing simply, “Dark Money is truly all over Colorado”.

Because political gridlock at the federal level has prevented changes to campaign finance laws, the responsibility has fallen to individual states to corral unregulated spending. The Federal Election Commission (FEC) experiences its own partisan gridlock and rarely reprimands organizations, citing the protection of free speech in line with Citizens United.

The newest effort to nullify Citizens United comes from Montana. Former state officials created “The Montana Plan,” which uses state corporation law to strip corporations of their political spending power. Under this framework, out-of-state entities are only allowed the same rights as in-state corporations, effectively ending outside corporate spending in state elections. The Montana Plan will be a ballot initiative in that state this year, and reform organizations are attempting to adopt it state-by-state. The Transparent Election Initiative is currently working to get a similar ballot initiative on the Colorado ballot in 2026 or 2028.

Attorney General Phil Weiser

Local support at the highest levels of state government has already begun to crystallize. In a 2025 op-ed, current Colorado Attorney General and candidate for Governor Phil Weiser wrote in favor of Colorado joining The Montana Plan. In a televised debate in June, Weiser stated, “I’ll be the candidate who overturns Citizens United in Colorado”.

When we turn to individual platforms, the candidates who identify campaign finance laws as a major issue have devised a variety of local and state-level solutions.

Jillaire McMillan noted that the systemic issues in Colorado intensified when maximum contribution limits to individual campaigns were capped at $450, while unaffiliated groups were left free to give unlimited sums. The low limit “requires a lot of work to raise the amount of money needed for mailers, cards to leave when knocking doors, online ads, staff salaries, and the other necessary expenses of a campaign,” McMillan wrote. She added that this framework creates a strong incentive for wealthy individuals to self-fund their campaigns, which has no legal limit.

To improve transparency, McMillan suggested investing in a comprehensive overhaul of the Secretary of State’s online Tracer system to create a streamlined, user-friendly portal to track finances. However, she remained candid about voter priorities, noting that while candidates obsess over campaign finance, her potential constituency has other concerns.

“As I knock doors and connect with voters, they talk to me about affordable housing, the cost of child care, losing their jobs to AI, and their worries about water and clean air,” McMillan wrote.

Anil Pesaramelli wrote that “democracy works best when voters can evaluate messages knowing exactly who is paying for them.”

He stated he would support state-level legislation that reduces outside money “while respecting constitutional protections for political speech”. Specifically, Pesaramelli advocates for the real-time disclosure of major expenditures, clear identification of the original funding sources behind IECs, stronger anti-coordination rules, and clearer disclaimers on political advertisements. If elected, he committed to actively sponsoring or co-sponsoring these transparency reforms as a legislative priority.

Junie Joseph proposed implementing lower contribution limits, faster reporting of political expenditures, and a public matching funds system to amplify small donations. Acknowledging the financial constraints imposed by Colorado’s Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights (TABOR), Joseph suggested a creative workaround. She proposed exploring a state enterprise “funded through a dedicated fee on a service, or a voluntary donation during a government transaction such as a license plate renewal, that could support a public matching fund for elections”. Such public financing has already been successful at the local level through existing municipal fund matching programs in Denver and Boulder. Joseph noted that public financing would empower ordinary working-class individuals and first-time candidates to run for office without needing access to wealthy networks.

Gabriel Cervantes took a direct regulatory stance against outside groups. “I will champion legislation that revokes a corporation’s ability to spend in elections and ban IECs,” Cervantes wrote, describing the execution of this legislation as top of mind. When asked how he would handle a hypothetical $1 million expenditure on his behalf by an IEC, Cervantes admitted his response would depend entirely on the source. Pointing to his own race, he wrote, “over $100,000 has been spent in my district supporting Rep. Phillips and viciously attacking me, so if a labor backed or conservation backed organization were to spend that level of money, it would be responsitory [sic] to the dark money already being spent here”. He stated explicit plans to run legislation modeling the reforms in Montana and Hawaii.

Heidi Henkel in her response to Yellow Scene Magazine focused heavily on reducing ballot barriers, reforming endorsement incentives, and increasing lobbyist transparency. She noted that the high cost of ballot access forces candidates to rely heavily on professional signature gatherers who can charge up to $17 per signature.

“I’ve often wondered whether candidates could instead collect signatures directly at county offices, reducing reliance on professional signature gatherers,” Henkel wrote.

Henkel also criticized the existing endorsement system, stating that “too often, endorsements function as a form of political currency” where elected officials offer endorsements while simultaneously seeking commitments on future legislative votes. She called for greater transparency by making endorsement questionnaires and responses publicly available, and advocated for stronger disclosure requirements for lobbyists. “Currently, candidates can claim they are not receiving contributions from industries such as oil and gas while accepting donations through lobbyists whose clients are not immediately apparent to the public,” Henkel wrote.

Kenny Nguyen emphasized that the spending by IECs now completely dwarfs the actual spending of grassroots campaigns, turning overnight organizations into multi-million dollar startups that vanish after three weeks. He committed to sponsoring legislation to address dark money, noting his past support for SB26 -168, the legislative caucus transparency bill that died in committee earlier this year. Nguyen argued that, at minimum, IECs should be legally required to publish major donor reports within 24 hours just as individual candidates do, and should be barred from accepting money from nonprofits that do not report their own original donors.

With a federal system locked in partisan gridlock, states like Colorado must work to end the spread of outside money in local elections. Whether through transparency portals, public matching systems, or structural overhauls like the Montana Plan, the future of local corporate influence rests entirely on the willingness of state lawmakers to reform the very systems that put them in power.

John Hickenlooper, Julie Gonzales, Michael Bennet, Melat Kiros, Wanda James, Diana DeGette, Shannon Bird, Manny Rutinel, and Jacque Phillips did not respond to Yellow Scene Magazine’s requests for comment.

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Thornton Council Unanimously Backs 508-Unit Affordable Housing

Matt Entrekin — Sat, 27 Jun 2026 13:22:07 +0000

At a June 9 Thornton City Council meeting, council members unanimously advanced an ordinance to rezone almost 29 acres of land to make way for a new apartment complex. The land, on East 112th Avenue and York Street, is vacant. City council has long been searching for a way to fill it, especially as the nearby RTD rail station sees a decline in ridership.

Hillpointe, a developer managing more than 12,000 units across over 10 states, hopes to build a new residential space geared towards providing affordable housing for what it calls the “missing middle,” those who earn too much to qualify for subsidized housing but too little to comfortably afford luxury apartments . The development would feature a three-story complex, 508 units, and amenities ranging from fiber internet and a 24-hour fitness center, to a dog spa and pickleball courtsHowever, the idea is being met with stiff opposition from locals. Prior to the meeting, seven petitions had been created with nearly 600 signatures in opposition. Of the 13 individuals who participated in the meeting’s public input portion, all opposed the project. Concerns were wide-ranging, but residents’ biggest beef revolved around traffic impacts, crime and safety, and wildlife. The city used an independent traffic consultant, Westminster-based SM Rocha, to conduct a study to determine how traffic might intensify.

The study found that York Avenue’s current capacity supports up to 10,800 daily drivers while 112th Avenue can carry 28,800. If the development were to move forward, projections into 2045 show traffic volume would only rise to 7,880 vehicles on York Ave. and 17,930 vehicles on 112th Ave. However, several residents disputed the veracity of the study, which was done last April.

Though council members shared many of the same concerns with the public, they believe Hillpointe’s intentions represent an opportunity too valuable to forego.

“For years, we have been working to figure out what to do in this area,” Mayor Jan Kulmann said. She emphasized concerns won’t go unaddressed and moved to direct city staff to develop a comprehensive plan for community outreach related to the project.

Representatives from Hillpointe were fervent in their intention to address these issues, stating that the project will include constructing improvements to the area’s walkability and lighting.

Per city rules, at least one more community meeting is required. Hillpointe representatives reassured the city council they will attend as many meetings as needed.

“If there’s developers trying to hide, I can understand how it breeds that fear. I commit to any meeting,” Marcus Wiedower, Hillpointe’s vice president of external affairs, said.

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Priced Out the Quad: Colorado’s Vanishing College Dream

Ace Shaver — Fri, 26 Jun 2026 16:51:21 +0000

When Jacob Giron graduated high school, he was shocked by the price of student housing and tuition at the University of Colorado Boulder. Giron, like many prospective students in Boulder and East County, initially desired to attend CU Boulder. But CU and other public universities in Colorado enforce on campus housing during a student’s freshman year. So when Giron saw the tuition and housing costs that the University would require, he instead opted to attend Front Range Community College.

The price for residence housing at Boulder ranges from $8,000-$10,000 per semester on top of tuition. “I remember looking at the prices of (living on campus), it became very inaccessible to me,” said Giron. “When I live close enough to drive to campus, why should I have to pay for a dorm?”

Although Giron is satisfied with his university choice from a financial perspective, he has found that Front Range has not brought the same sense of community as a four-year university would. Lacking on-campus housing, a football team, and a vast range of clubs that would otherwise be found at CU, Giron finds Front Range missing that crucial experience in student involvement and social dynamics.

“I want to go to a school with a lot of people. It makes it easier to find your niche, something that interests you,” he said.

At Boulder, students are afforded more accessible student life opportunities, extracurriculars, and a surplus of amenities. For Giron, life at CU Boulder seemed to be a perfect fit. Yet financial barriers have increasingly made CU out of reach for Giron and many of other students.

CU’s tuition has steadily increased seven years in a row. In 2026, incoming undergraduate students will face a 3% increase in their already substantial tuition. On top of that, students are charged fees for on-campus services such as recreation, transportation, educational resources, and athletics. For students, education at a large public university like CU Boulder comes with a looming financial burden: loans and student debt. Now, some are wondering if tuition and cost increases actually lead to improvements in education and the well-being of students.

Max Harte, an out-of-state CU Boulder student from Texas, was aware of CU’s high tuition cost. For students who live outside of Colorado, tuition is approximately double the in-state rate. Nevertheless, hundreds of out of state students still find themselves drawn to the CU system.

Harte is grateful for the opportunity to study psychology at CU Boulder. They make an effort to attend all of their classes, noting the financial costs that their family has incurred for them to study. Nonetheless, Harte acknowledges a public university system that has become unattainable for many students purely due to cost.

Buckingham Hall undergraduate student housing dorm at the University of Colorado Boulder (CU Boulder) campus in Boulder, Colorado, with the Flatirons in the distance.

“The value of education isn’t valued as highly because it is so difficult, financially, to attain,” said Harte. “I have several friends (back home) that don’t go to college simply because they can’t afford to, not even for in-state schools, let alone out-of-state ones.”

Despite the increase in tuition for new students, Harte has not seen renovations within their department. Harte notes a lack of investment in student research opportunities that are crucial to secure an undergraduate psychology degree. The lack of investment has left some students struggling to secure them. Harte acknowledges that these students are missing out on a key component of attaining an undergraduate psychology degree from the school. On top of the disadvantaged students, Harte themselves have never been paid for any of the research which they have conducted. Some students, like Harte, are fortunate enough to still land a research opportunity. Nonetheless, they feel that the school should be utilizing students’ expensive tuition to ensure research success within the psychology department.

“It shows what the university cares about, where they put their money, and it’s not toward the psychology department,” said Harte.

The contrast between Harte’s tuition and the educational struggles within their department are stark. While they value their education in Boulder, Harte wishes that they could feel the impact of their hefty tuition bill in their day-to-day education.

Giron and Harte’s experience with university tuition are not remotely unique to CU Boulder. Nearly every public university in the U.S. has steadily increased tuition over the last two decades. Understandably, these universities face increasing development costs and payroll for already underpaid educators. Nonetheless, these financial burdens are often offloaded onto students through a raised tuition and increased fees. Instead of incurring these costs, some Colorado students have opted for a different path in life.

In Colorado, the popularity of community college is rapidly growing. From 2024 to 2025, data from the National Student Clearinghouse Project saw a 3.9% increase of enrolled students into community college. At the same time, the number of incoming freshmen at big universities in Colorado has fallen. The state’s public universities have experienced an enrollment drop of 0.5%, while private ones saw a drop of almost 9%. For some, tuition is expensive enough to rule out college altogether. For others, the high cost means sacrificing their top choices for whichever institution offers the best financial aid package. Many of Colorado’s student population simply take what they can get.

Mooji Boldbaatar graduated from the University of Denver in 2017. She mainly relied on scholarships to pay her way through college because, although she had lived in the U.S. since she was 10 years old, Boldbaatar was still classified as an international student from Mongolia. Due to her status, she was not able to receive adequate financial aid from a public university despite consistent academic success. The University of Denver, a private institution, offered her scholarships, and she ended up studying there instead. Originally, she wanted to attend Colorado School of Mines to study chemical engineering.

“I got into Mines, and then I couldn’t attend because I couldn’t afford it,” said Boldbaatar. “The lack of finances dictated which school I could go to.”

A lack of aid was not the only barrier for Boldbaatar in obtaining her college education. Out-of-state tuition was worse. She researched and applied to out-of-state universities and, similar to DU, she was able to receive financial aid from some of the schools. But it wasn’t enough; the financial burden of an out-of-state school wasn’t worth the acceptance.

“I really wanted to study elsewhere, but in order to save on living expenses, I had to stay in Colorado. It was another difficulty for me,” said Boldbaatar.

Boldbaatar, like numerous other students, finished her degree from the University of Denver while working almost full-time hours. There was also the cost of room and board at the University; the high costs forced Boldbaatar to live with family off-campus. The result was a daily commute of about an hour and 20 minutes. For her, it was the only way to financially sustain herself while pursuing her education.

After she graduated, Boldbaatar used her college degree to kickstart a professional career working with other young students. She is now a program manager with the Mongolian School of Colorado. While not directly related to her studies, she values the knowledge and experience that her education gave her. Boldbaatar credits higher education for her work ethic and time management.

“Getting my education opened up doors that I had never really thought about,” said Boldbaatar. “The most valuable part (of my education) was the mindset that I got from it.”

But for many other young Coloradans, a college degree isn’t always attainable or valued. Are tuition, student loans, and lifetime debt worth it for the degree? While people like Max Harte have the incredible opportunity to attend a four-year public university, for others like Jacob Giron, a community college degree was the only option. Academically, Giron has been happy with his experience studying at Front Range Community College. But as a whole, he was looking for something more out of his college education—and, due to the increasingly unaffordable tuition bills at prominent state universities, Giron can’t help but feel that he may have missed out on a valuable experience.

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Letter to the Editor: Reflections on Erie Mineral Rights Ordinance and Community Testimony

Guest Contributor — Thu, 25 Jun 2026 23:43:45 +0000

Dear Mayor and Members of the Erie Town Council,

I want to begin by thanking each of you for your service to the people of Erie. As a fellow elected official and former city council member, I understand that public service is often demanding work with little recognition. Yet you continue to show up and make difficult decisions on behalf of your community, and for that I am grateful.

Last night, at the invitation of several community members, I attended your meeting regarding the proposed sale of Erie’s mineral rights. I remained in the audience from approximately 7:00 p.m. until 10:30 p.m. because I felt it was more important to listen than to speak. I wanted to hear directly from the residents whose lives will be affected by this decision.

While I do not represent Erie in the Colorado House, environmental and public health impacts do not stop at municipal boundaries, which is why I felt compelled to attend and listen.

What I witnessed was a community deeply engaged in its future. Residents came prepared, spoke thoughtfully, and shared their concerns with sincerity and conviction. Their testimony moved me.

I also want to acknowledge Council Members Anil Pesaramelli, Emily Baer, and Dan Hoback for their willingness to voice concerns and advocate for the constituents they represent. Regardless of where one stands on the issue, public service requires courage, and I am grateful for their commitment to the community.

It is clear that members of the council believe they acted in what they view as the best interests of Erie. The central question, however, is whether the long-term costs of this decision may ultimately outweigh its benefits. That question cannot be fully answered today.

During the meeting, you heard from an extraordinary range of community leaders and residents, including former Mayor Justin Brooks and School Board Director Meosha Babbs. While perspectives differed, a common theme emerged: many residents believe that a decision of this magnitude should have been submitted directly to Erie voters.

Several speakers argued that a ballot measure would have provided an opportunity for public education, robust debate, and community ownership of the outcome. Whether one supports or opposes the mineral rights sale, there is value in allowing residents to make an informed decision on an issue that could shape the future of their town for generations.

Among the testimonies that resonated most deeply with me was that of a cancer survivor who urged the council to proceed with extreme caution. Equally powerful was a resident who urged all of us to approach these conversations with softer voices and greater empathy. She reminded us that policy debates are not merely about numbers or contracts; they are about people. Her words have stayed with me: if a decision causes harm to even one child or one family, we must carefully weigh whether the benefits justify the risk. She also spoke of the need to give both the land and the people a chance to rest. I do not recall her name, but her remarks were among the most compelling of the evening.

Director Babbs offered another sobering perspective, sharing her experience from a Texas community that she said incurred more than $2 billion in costs associated with addressing the impacts of extensive oil and gas development. Her testimony served as a reminder that communities elsewhere have confronted challenges that deserve careful consideration as Erie charts its own course.

I also want to acknowledge that supporters of the agreement have identified tangible benefits. According to a CBS report, these include approximately 158 acres of land, revenue estimated at roughly $20 million over the coming years, the plugging of certain existing wells, and inspection and oversight provisions associated with the project.

The question remains: do those benefits outweigh the potential long-term costs?

According to the same CBS reporting on the proposal, this project could become one of the largest oil and gas operations in Colorado. We do not know today what the ultimate environmental, health, or infrastructure impacts may be. We do know, however, that residents have raised serious concerns and have asked their elected leaders to proceed with caution.

This issue is larger than any individual elected official, organization, or political perspective. It is fundamentally about stewardship, about what kind of community and environment we hope to leave for the next generation.

One comment from Council Member Emily Baer particularly resonated with me. She observed that a municipality’s ability to provide basic services should not be dependent upon continued oil and gas extraction. That observation raises an important challenge for all of us in Colorado. If we are serious about transitioning to a cleaner energy future, we must provide communities with realistic pathways to maintain essential services without forcing them to choose between immediate fiscal needs and long-term environmental considerations.

The reality is that local governments face difficult choices. Immediate needs often carry greater urgency than future risks. It is therefore incumbent upon state leaders, local governments, and stakeholders to work together to ensure communities are not placed in that position.

Although the vote has been taken, I hope the Town continues to engage residents transparently, rigorously monitor potential impacts, and ensure that community concerns remain central as this project moves forward.

Thank you again for your service and for the thoughtful deliberation you bring to these difficult issues. While I respectfully disagree with the outcome, I remain grateful for your commitment to Erie and to the democratic process.

Respectfully,

Junie Joseph

Colorado State Representative

The post Letter to the Editor: Reflections on Erie Mineral Rights Ordinance and Community Testimony appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Spotlight: Rainbow Cult

Tommy Milo — Thu, 25 Jun 2026 04:31:50 +0000

Colorado’s Elusive Ingredient is a record-holding troupe devoted to shadow casting, an art they showcase in union with Rainbow Cult. I had the pleasure of interviewing Jolee Harston, the Head of Marketing, in anticipation of the upcoming Rocky Horror Picture Show Shadow Play, which has been entertaining at Denver’s Meow Wolf installation over the past few years. Tickets are available for this year’s Summer Beach Party Extravaganza on July 9th and 10th.

Tommy Milo: Given the improvisational aspect of the Rocky Horror performances, from a rotating cast to ample room for ad libbing, has there ever been a feeling that the text of Rocky Horror has been changed for a new audience?
Jolee Harston: Part of the joy of The Rocky Horror Picture Show and shadow casting is that we are constantly working on adding/updating callbacks to be relevant to current events. We have a callback script that we mostly stick to, but we work together as a cast to come up with new jokes and bits, as well as checking in with any callbacks that may not feel appropriate in the current day and age. The original callback script for Rocky Horror is still very present in our performance.

Photo provided by rockyhorrordenver

Milo: After attending multiple shows, I’ve noticed small changes to the cast’s traditions and catch phrases. How do you meet the moment and remain conscious of the audience and surroundings while making changes like these?
Harston: The Rocky Horror Picture Show, at its core, is a film meant to challenge norms and remain somewhat shocking. We try to find a balance between still bringing humor and pushing boundaries, while also being aware of certain things in the Rocky community that may have worked at one point, but no longer hold the same meaning and may be considered offensive. Language is ever-changing, and that gives us an opportunity to be creative and find new ways to express certain sentiments in a new way.

Photo provided by rockyhorrordenver

Milo: There was a recent controversy surrounding the PACE Center performing arts in Parker, Colorado, having to do with the censorship of LGBTQ flags. In such a contentious time for representation and diversity among the performing arts, how does Rainbow Cult break the mold?
Harston: I can’t speak for Rainbow Cult, but Colorado’s Elusive Ingredient breaks this mold by being LOUD, PROUD, AND UNAPOLOGETIC about the message of the film and our cast’s beliefs. Before every show, our MC delivers a speech where we clearly state our shows are not a place for hate in any form – racism, transphobia, homophobia, ableism, and F*CK NAZIS. The Rocky Horror Picture Show has historically been a safe place for the queer community and those looking for freedom and rebellion. The film and shadow casting community is about breaking gender norms, and we hope anyone who comes to our performances leaves with a little more freedom and confidence to express themselves authentically in all areas of life.

Photo provided by rockyhorrordenver

Yellow Scene’s 2026 Summer Support Drive is underway with a goal of 1,000 Sustaining Supporters by summer’s end.

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Reader-driven support keeps local journalism unbossed, unbought, and our journalists fed. Become a sustaining supporter for $8/month and get Yellow Scene delivered to your home.

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Scene Stealers: Week of June 24th

Keeley Haynes — Wed, 24 Jun 2026 22:27:59 +0000

The Harriman Sisters Live at Ned General, Jun. 26:

Ned General will be hosting a laid-back evening of live folk and bluegrass music from The Harriman Sisters. This Lafayette-based family trio is known for creating a unique Americana sound that masterfully blends classic and contemporary elements in both their original songs and their covers, all delivered through unforgettable live performances.

The Harriman Sisters Live at Ned General | Jun. 26 • Ned General, Nederland

On the Library Stage: Pity+Fear, Jun. 27:

Experience the original one-woman dark comedy “Pity+Fear (a travesty)” re-written and re-performed by Miriam Suzanne. A tale of queerness, Greek mythology, realism, and choice, this production promises to be different this time, but still with the same gripping effect, perfect as a celebration and questioning of Pride Month and what it means to be queer.

On the Library Stage: Pity+Fear | Jun. 27 • Westminster College Hill Library, Westminster

Disco Revue: An Electric Night of Disco Hits, Jun. 27

Experience the golden age of disco with Colorado’s own Disco Revue at Nissi’s. Founded by the musicians of The Petty Nicks Experience, this seven-piece live band brings the sounds and energy of Manhattan’s iconic Studio 54 back to life. Disco Revue is not just a band, it’s a full-on disco experience that keeps the groove going all night long.

Disco Revue: An Electric Night of Disco Hits | Jun. 27 • Nissi’s, Lafayette

Independence Weekend with the Longmont Museum, Jul. 3rd and 4th

Experience the magic of Independence Day weekend with the Longmont Museum. Kickstart your celebration with a free “Backyard Concert” in Roosevelt Park at 6 PM. Enjoy live music and lots of food in a family-friendly outdoor environment. Next, bring your loved ones to 2nd Avenue and Emery Street for the Free Family Festival on Jul. 4th at 5 PM. Enjoy fireworks, entertainment, live music, games, and activities for all ages.

Independence Weekend with the Longmont Museum | Jul. 3rd and 4th • Roosevelt Park and Granary Townhomes, Longmont

Boulder Symphony’s July 4th Celebration, July 4

Boulder Symphony celebrates the Fourth of July with a sparkling live orchestra concert in Boulder’s Central Park. The red, white, and tunes performed will feature patriotic favorites, cinematic blockbuster scores, and classic American ensembles. Catch the star-spangled music at 7 PM. Tickets start at $10 and are available on the Boulder Symphony website.

Boulder Symphony’s July 4th Celebration | July 4 • Boulder Bandshell, Boulder

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Rocky mineral rights deal passes in 4-3 vote in spite of opposition

Salem Goodman — Wed, 24 Jun 2026 07:25:47 +0000

Saturday, June 20, the Town of Erie made an announcement that Councilmember Brian O’Connor had reconsidered the mineral rights deal and was bringing the motion back to a vote on June 23. On June 16, the vote failed in a 3-3 tie, with Councilmember Dan Hoback absent and O’Connor opposing the deal.

Tonight, 47 residents spoke in public comment regarding the deal, with 35 in opposition. Residents also submitted over 428 pages of comments online, with analyses showing over 90% of the letters submitted in opposition. Those efforts also included a letter to the council with 227 signatures requesting that council vote no. O’Connor appeared to hesitate in his closing speech, but his position was clear in his verbiage throughout the meeting.

Consistent with previous votes, which had been controversial among residents (such as Redtail Ranch, pride flag policy and Executive Session transparency), the council chose to vote 4-3 in favor of Erie selling its mineral rights. Councilmembers Anil Pesamarelli, Emily Baer, and Dan Hoback voted against, while Mayor Andrew Moore, Mayor Pro Tem Brandon Bell, and Councilmembers O’Connor and John Mortellaro were in favor.

While supporters emphasized the purported safety measures and fiduciary benefits, the opposition scrutinized the processes of the deal itself, raising legal and ethical concerns that have escalated over the past months.

These include violation of town procurement policies when hiring the consultant firm Alameda Mineral Advisors, improper use of confidential Executive Session meetings, possible violations of Alameda’s contract with the town, and lobbying from Alameda CEO Matthew Owens for residents to contact O’Connor and ask him to reconsider his no vote.

Mayor Moore stated that town staff in charge of the procurement process did not follow town guidelines, and that none of the councilmembers were aware of this breach of policy. Hoback stated it differently. “As for not following the town procurement process, to my knowledge, that process was never passed to town staff. Town council was in complete control of the vendor selection process.”

He continued to say, “This deal, since the beginning, has had valuations all over the place.”

Bell spoke for over 24 minutes, as he did at the June 16 meeting. His comments focused on the inevitability of the Draco Pad, the estimated 30 to 44 million dollars of the deal and advice to his critics, whose comments he characterized as “not even worthy of discussion.”

The evening ran long, but after three hours, the council voted 4-3 in favor of selling the mineral rights. Selling mineral or water rights is a permanent, high-stakes financial decision, and one that should not be taken lightly.

The post Rocky mineral rights deal passes in 4-3 vote in spite of opposition appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Lafayette Police hosts talk amid concerns around Flock cameras

Finn Feldman — Tue, 23 Jun 2026 15:13:57 +0000

Driving down Public road in Lafayette, you may notice black tall cameras, adorned with a solar panel, taking continuous snapshots of vehicles’ rear license plates. These Automated License Plate Recognition (ALPR) Flock AI-cameras from Flock Safety have centered in community discourse due to growing concerns surrounding surveillance and risk of misuse by police and federal agents.

30 cameras were installed in 2022 by the Lafayette Police Department (PD) around the city, with no more installed since. Community interest for discussion around the cameras was not high at first, but Detective Commander Scott Emerson noticed more concern after an influx of social media posts and alleged “misinformation” around Flock, said Emerson.

Perhaps due to this growing interest, on June 17th, more than a dozen Lafayette community members settled into a dimly lit room in the Lafayette PD building as three officers and two Flock camera spokespeople put on “Cop Talks #2: Facts About Flock Safety Cameras.”

The Cop Talk, part of a series of presentations held by the Lafayette PD meant for conversations within the community, began with a presentation given by Detective Sergeant Jason Thompson. The PD began searching for a “law enforcement force multiplier” after a spike in car-related crimes in 2020.

According to the Colorado Department of Public Safety May 2026 Newsletter, in Lafayette, auto thefts skyrocketed from 61 in 2020 to 120 in 2022, an increase of 64%. In Colorado overall, auto theft rates dropped from 18,450 in 2022 to 7,480 in 2025. Detective Thompson said this large drop can be attributed to the Flock cameras. Chart is courtesy of coloradocrimestats.state.co.us/tops

These cameras are different from the Blissway speeding cameras on Diagonal Highway. Unlike the speeding cameras in Boulder, Flock cameras are fixed, motion-activated ALPRs meant to investigate crimes and wanted persons. The PD originally hoped to use the cameras for traffic enforcement as well. Flock’s speeding cameras would require photos with identifying features in them. The public was concerned with the possibility of discriminatory policing based on these photos, as well as worries that these cameras would be abused by the department to profit from speeding tickets. Lafayette PD scrapped the idea after the backlash.

The current Lafayette AI Flock Safety system has two primary components: The hotlist and audits. According to the PD, Flock cameras can provide police officers with near real time alerts as well a hotlist, or a database of license plates and vehicle descriptors associated with the wanted car and photos of the rear of the vehicle.

Officers also have to click a legal agreement before signing into the Flock Safety system, pressing a small button saying “Accept and Continue” below a compliance message. In accordance with Colorado law, “We are not using this for unauthorized purposes,” said Thompson, “we’re not using it for immigration enforcement or reproductive care.” He said the legal agreement before sign-in is “an important accountability piece.”

An example of a hotlist on the Flock Safety website, narrowed down to a specific timeframe. Flock provides a photo of the vehicle’s rear, the color/make/style/other notable descriptors of the vehicle, the date and time the image was captured, and the direction of travel. The Lafayette PD says this data is “common practice” to have. Photo courtesy of Finn Feldman

While these statements regarding how Lafayette intends to use Flock are important, their practical application faces a hard legal reality. As Yellow Scene Magazine has previously reported, the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) emphasizes that local data protection claims are essentially hollow; regardless of what a city government promises, the federal government can demand access to their citizen data at any time, for any purpose, because state and federal laws prevent cities from withholding that information.

Lafayette PD says they looked at 9 different major ALPR systems and settled on Flock primarily for its proclaimed privacy concern considerations. Flock claims that it deletes photos taken after 30-days and that the company does not sell customer data. Flock also boasts that it has not had cloud data breaches. Contrary to these claims, local news reports demonstrate flock camera feeds have been exposed in an internet data breach, and their data on license plates have been accessed through search engines. Denver removed all its Flock cameras after it was found federal agencies have bypassed ICE/DHS restrictions by having PDs run searches for them. A blog post by Flock says “ICE does not have direct access to Flock cameras, systems, or data, unless the agencies that control their data expressly and deliberately allow it.”

Flock Safety Public Affairs Officers Bia Campbell (left) next to Jalen Johnson (right) answered a few questions at the Cop Talk, ending off by promoting themselves as an honest company whose clients are both the PD and the community. Courtesy of Finn Feldman

Unlike many of its neighbors, the city of Lafayette currently has a five year contract with Flock that started in 2022 after four community meetings and a city council workshop. The Lafayette PD argues that departments such as Fort Collins, Denver, and Louisville will fall behind with their abandonment of Flock cameras after widespread criticism of surveillance and AI caused these cities to end contracts. With the use of AI in Flock’s vehicle search system, Lafayette PD says officers must check to see if the AI correctly got the license plate—for example, to make sure Flock’s AI doesn’t read a 0 (zero) as an O on the plate. Another alleged “safeguard” is Flock’s AI auditing system, used to track if any suspicious activity is occurring with officers’ searches. Flagged audit reports are then sent to a team of four Lafayette PD administrators to review, and then an audit completion report to Emerson.

Chris Anderson, a community member who works in IT, has concerns over the AI camera use and auditing practices, saying “AI is foulable right now.” Anderson pressed the PD to have an external group check their reports, worried about how “their own system is auditing it.”

The PD in their presentation said these twice monthly searches are being done internally and externally, but later during community discussion said only the four administrators are checking the AI flagged/human created audits. Emerson said after his main take away is to look into how other PDs may be using an external auditing system for “best practice.”

Lafayette City Councilor Annemarie Jensen confirmed an external auditing system was brought up at past town meetings, but says “Lafayette is a small town with a small budget” and thinks it may not be worth the cost.

Anderson also questioned the PD around controversies surrounding Flock, including 404 Media’s reporting of ICE agents using the cameras for immigration enforcement and alleged improper storage of data, asking “How are you holding Flock accountable?”

Emerson responded, “I have done my due diligence in looking into the matter,” and said all the claims were not verified. Spokesman Johnson responded as well, stating “these [allegations] are not verifiable.”

Despite these refutations, local advocates and residents continue to challenge the police department’s stance. Among them is Will Freeman, founder of the anti-ALPR website DeFlock, who has filed a class-action lawsuit against the neighboring city of Boulder over its use of the technology. Freeman and another Boulder resident, Gwen Steel, are currently awaiting a court order for class certification, signaling that community pushback against automated surveillance remains a growing legal hurdle for local governments.

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The post Lafayette Police hosts talk amid concerns around Flock cameras appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Letter to the Editor: 227 Residents Sign Letter Opposing Mineral Rights Sale

Guest Contributor — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 16:55:32 +0000

The following letter was sent to Mayor Andrew Moore, Councilmember Brian O’Connor, and the Erie Town Council via council@erieco.gov, and was signed by 227 residents. Yellow Scene Magazine was asked to republish it in the interest of community transparency and public accountability. As with all Letters to the Editor, the views expressed are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the publication.

Dear Mayor and Members of the Erie Town Council,

I am writing to urge the Town Council to vote NO on the proposed sale of Erie’s municipal mineral rights. This letter is submitted on behalf of myself and the 227 Erie residents listed below, all of whom oppose this transaction.

Last week, the Council heard testimony from residents who have invested their lives in this community. The Council listened, and the sale failed on a 3–3 vote. We also know that the absent council member, Mr. Hoback, opposed the sale. The outcome reflected the will of the people who showed up, submitted comments, and remained engaged on this issue for more than two years.

One week later, the vote has been resurrected. Residents were given one business day’s notice that a re-vote would take place. Many had barely drawn a breath of relief before being asked to once again submit comments, prepare testimony, and restate a position that this Council heard clearly seven days ago.

I ask the Council to reject this sale based on the following critical points:

1. Erie’s Mineral Rights Are Not Symbolic—They Are the Town’s Strongest Tool

Under SB24-185, signed by Governor Polis on May 22, 2024, Erie’s unleased mineral interests cannot be force pooled. If Erie refuses to sell, SM Energy is legally required to avoid the Town’s unleased mineral interests. The Town’s own presentation to Council on June 2, 2026, confirmed this in plain language: “The unleased portions MUST be avoided unless leased or voluntarily pooled.”

This is the Town’s own legal assessment, presented by Town staff. Selling these rights means permanently surrendering the strongest legal tool Erie has to protect residents from drilling beneath their homes.

The claim that “drilling will happen regardless” is misleading. The Town’s minerals sit directly in the path of a significant number of planned laterals. Without these mineral rights, SM Energy cannot drill through those zones.

2. The Deal’s Value Has Been Significantly Overstated

The headline figure of $465 million includes speculative future property and sales tax revenues from undeveloped land—projections that depend on decades of assumptions, not contractual commitments from SM Energy.

The Mayor publicly acknowledged that the immediately quantifiable value is closer to $44 million. Other Town estimates place it at approximately $17 million over 20 years.

Meanwhile, retaining the mineral rights preserves Erie’s royalty interests and, critically, preserves the Town’s legal authority to prevent drilling through its mineral zones. That authority has value that cannot be reduced to a dollar figure because it protects residents’ health, safety, and property values on an ongoing basis.

3. Clear and Documented Conflict of Interest

The Town retained Alameda Mineral Advisors to negotiate this deal—a firm led by a former Civitas executive. Paying an industry insider to represent the same community that spent two years fighting Civitas creates a severe conflict of interest.

Furthermore, Alameda’s fee is contingent upon the deal closing. Its CEO is not a neutral advisor; he does not get paid unless the sale is approved.

Following the June 16 vote, Alameda’s CEO publicly stated on LinkedIn that he lobbied for a re-vote. That post was subsequently edited. Many Erie residents read the original statement and can attest to its contents.

When the person brokering a deal has a direct financial stake in the outcome and is actively lobbying elected officials after a failed vote, residents are entitled to question whose interests are being served.

4. Plugging Legacy Wells Is a Safety Obligation, Not a Bargaining Chip

The framing of plugging 17 old wells as a benefit or gift to the Town is misleading. Remediating aging and orphaned wells is a matter of basic public safety that should have been addressed long ago.

It is an industry obligation, not a concession that justifies a massive new mineral rights sale.

5. The Process Has Undermined Public Trust

Negotiating a deal of this magnitude largely in private executive sessions, retaining consultants with undisclosed industry ties, and rushing a re-vote within seven days of a failed motion have all eroded public confidence that this process is being conducted in residents’ best interests.

6. Erie Is Thriving Without This Deal

Our Town is thriving. Property values have skyrocketed. Downtown Erie has become a destination. Schools, restaurants, and local businesses have transformed this community—all without oil and gas involvement.

Erie is attractive to young professional families precisely because of what it is today. This deal puts that identity and growth trajectory at risk.

Residents have told this Council they will consider leaving if drilling proceeds beneath their homes. The economic damage from declining property values and departing families could far exceed whatever speculative benefits this transaction promises.

The community has spoken clearly and consistently. Hundreds of Erie residents submitted comments. The June 16 meeting filled the council chamber. Hundreds more have expressed opposition on social media. Letters have been sent to the Colorado Attorney General’s Office. This letter alone carries the names of 227 residents asking you to vote NO.

This level of sustained community engagement is extraordinary for a town Erie’s size, and it points in one direction.

We are not asking for anything unreasonable. We are asking our elected officials to listen to the residents they represent, protect the legal leverage the State of Colorado granted this Town, and reject a deal that primarily benefits the operator and its paid intermediary.

A NO vote is not a rejection of economic opportunity. It is a decision to protect the Town’s most valuable assets—its families.

Please vote NO on the sale of Erie’s municipal mineral rights.

Submitted by 227 Erie Residents

The post Letter to the Editor: 227 Residents Sign Letter Opposing Mineral Rights Sale appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Op-Ed: Our History Shows The Potential Of Birth Announcements

Nicholas Bernhard — Sun, 21 Jun 2026 22:13:09 +0000

The birth announcement: once a small source of income for local newspapers, now a source of ‘likes’ and ‘engagement’. A few get cut out and pasted into the family scrapbook. A birth announcement in Thornton Wilder’s Our Town provided one of the play’s hidden laughs. On Instagram, a tasteful “Say hello to our new baby boy” might come across your feed. If the parents consider themselves nerds, they might hit you with a horror like “A New Challenger Has Appeared!” In print or in social media hell, the birth announcement seems doomed to ephemera.

This Father’s Day, I was thinking of a birth announcement from 1905. It was written by Lafayette, Colorado resident Harry C. Kephart. I remembered Kephart this past weekend because in his hands, the lowly birth announcement transcended into literature.

Harry C. Kephart, c. 1905

Harry Kephart was born in Iowa in 1870. He married Olive Dennis in 1895. They moved to Colorado in 1901. Like Doc Holliday before him, Kephart hoped Colorado’s dry climate would improve his health. He became the pastor at Lafayette’s Congregational Church (now the Arapaho Center Theater).

Harry C. Kephart was the pastor at Lafayette’s Congregational Church. Photo by Pen8uin, licensed under CC SA 4.0. This photo was taken when the name of the building was the Mary Miller Theater; it has since been renamed the Arapaho Center Theater.

In addition to his pastoral work, Kephart edited the News Free Press in Lafayette. He wrote editorials condemning the town’s racism. He went on to work for the Anti-Saloon League of Colorado.

The Kepharts’ house on Cannon Street in Lafayette, Colorado, where Harriet was born.

On August 20, 1905, Harry and Olive’s daughter Harriet was born. This was what Harry Kephart sent in to the Lafayette News:

Last Sunday evening between 7 and 8 o’clock there came to our home a little stranger. Her transportation reads, ‘From the house of many mansions.’ She bears the insignia of royalty. She had the light of other worlds in her eye, and upon her features the unmistakable working of divinity. We know nothing of her past, and neither by work or sign does she reveal her plans for the future. Her age is a mystery. She may be one day old. She may be older than the fixed stars. She sleeps and dreams and mutters strange and mysterious words from a language which I know to be older than the sea or winds and more difficult to interpret. We do not know how long she will be with us, another day, a week, a month, or she may be here when we are gone, and tired, oh, so tired of this round of earthly years. She will some day go out through the silent and mysterious doors of death in the arms of those who brought her here.

Olive Kephart, center, with daughters Harriet and Helen on either side, 1906. Public Domain.

That’s more than Instagram engagement, that’s the secrets of the universe. That’s holding time and space still to say, “You matter, little one. You matter to me.” I’d say Kephart deserved a pretty nice card for those words, but alas, the first Father’s Day wasn’t until 1909.

SOURCES:

– Lafayette, Colorado History: Treeless Plain to Thriving City, Lafayette Historical Society, pp. 245-246

– Colorado Historic Newspapers

The post Op-Ed: Our History Shows The Potential Of Birth Announcements appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

O’Connor Requests Vote After Contractor Lobbies on Social Media

Salem Goodman — Sun, 21 Jun 2026 18:29:55 +0000

Less than a week after the Erie Town Council’s deadlocked vote rejected a proposed mineral rights agreement tied to the Draco Pad, Councilmember Brian O’Connor has called for a reconsideration of the decision. The council is scheduled to revisit the topic on June 23, reopening one of the most divisive debates facing the town.

The request for a revote followed a social media post by Matthew Owens, CEO of Alameda Mineral Advisors, the firm hired by the town to negotiate the deal. In the original version of his LinkedIn post, Owens explicitly urged O’Connor to call for a reconsideration of his vote, a directive that was later edited out.

The original June 21 social media post by Matthew Owens, which explicitly urged Councilmember Brian O’Connor to reconsider his vote.

The edited version of the same post published later on June 21, with the direct appeal to O’Connor removed

Beyond the immediate political maneuvering, Owens’ public defense disclosed specific details from confidential Executive Sessions regarding bids, valuations, and negotiations. Residents were repeatedly denied this exact information prior to the vote under the guise of executive session confidentiality. While Owens released these details publicly to defend the merits of the deal, he did so without providing the underlying documentation. Furthermore, several of his assertions directly contradict the public record.

In his post, Owens outlined several key figures regarding the negotiations:

Marketing Reach: Alameda solicited bids from 25 companies, 19 of which declined to submit offers.
Competing Bids: The highest competing offer was approximately $5.5 million.
Internal Valuations: SM Energy (formerly Civitas) internally valued the mineral rights between $54.7 million and $71.1 million. Unsolicited offers implied a baseline valuation of roughly $43 million.
Contract Changes: Alterations made to the final agreement after Alameda’s active involvement ended allegedly reduced the deal’s total value by roughly $8 million.

Owens’ claim that Alameda actively solicited competitive bids directly contradicts his own previous statements. In a prior council study session, before being cut off by the Town Attorney, Owens told council members and a Yellow Scene reporter that he was “instructed not to” conduct a competitive bidding process by “the people who hired [him].”

Shown Matthew Owens at Counsel Hearing

When pressed in the comments of his post regarding competitive bidding, his editing choices, and SM Energy’s track record, Owens sidestepped the questions. Instead, he engaged critics with generalized political arguments and personal character attacks.

A public records analysis reveals that these claims vary significantly in their verifiability, falling into three distinct categories:

Claims Supported by Public Records:
- The Draco Pad project has already received state approval and is highly likely to proceed regardless of Erie’s decision on its mineral rights. The Town of Erie lacks the legal authority to revoke those state approvals.
Claims Relying Heavily on Projections:
- Alameda’s estimate asserts the agreement could generate up to $465 million in total value to Erie, projecting that transferred land could eventually generate hundreds of millions in future tax revenue. Conversely, the firm estimated that retaining the mineral rights would yield only $2.7 million to $4 million in royalty revenue over roughly 30 years.
Claims Lacking Independent Verification:
- Because no official documentation accompanied Owens’ post and the underlying materials remain shielded by executive session privacy, the public cannot verify the number of companies contacted, the actual value of competing offers, SM Energy’s internal valuation figures, or the alleged $8 million reduction caused by contract changes

The lack of transparency throughout this entire negotiation process has now drawn state scrutiny. The Colorado Attorney General’s office is currently reviewing a formal complaint filed by resident Steve Drew. The complaint alleges a pattern of procedural irregularities, including the lack of a Request for Proposal (RFP) process when hiring Alameda Mineral Advisors, a lack of competitive bidding during negotiations, the potential misuse of Executive Session confidentiality, and conflict of interest concerns.

This sequence of events has intensified the local debate over municipal transparency. The core issue is not whether local governments have the legal right to use executive sessions; Colorado law explicitly permits closed sessions to protect a municipality’s bargaining position during active negotiations. Rather, the controversy centers on whether Erie officials used confidentiality appropriately to safeguard a sensitive transaction, or whether they unnecessarily kept residents in the dark regarding the true mechanics and consequences of the deal.

Information that residents consistently requested during public meetings—including bidder participation, competing offers, and valuation ranges—was withheld from the citizenry only to be made public by a third-party contractor after the vote had occurred.

“The making of this deal is cloaked in secrecy of executive session,” resident Emily Brecht told the council on June 16. “We, the people of Erie, have valid questions. If people here are misinformed about the deal, it appears to be by design.”

The state’s review will proceed independently, but local action moves forward immediately. The Erie Town Council will reconvene to take a definitive vote on the mineral rights agreement on Tuesday, June 23, at 6:30 p.m

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How Colorado hospitals are caring for pregnant patients with substance use disorders by overcoming stigma

Guest Contributor — Sat, 20 Jun 2026 20:29:52 +0000

This Storyshare is republished in whole from The Conversation.

Featured Photo: Substance use disorders are common among pregnant people. Research shows that a fear of stigma prevents these patients from seeking health care. Halfpoint Images/Getty Images

by Karli Swenson, University of Colorado Anschutz

The obstetrics staff was surprised the first time it happened in June 2025. A pregnant woman who was dependent on methamphetamine arrived at the hospital in labor. She showed an image of graffiti spray-painted on a bridge in downtown Denver that read “Have your baby at Lutheran.” She was scared and in pain, but wanted to be somewhere she felt safe asking for help.

Not long after, it happened again.

Another laboring woman with the same image on her phone. Apparently, word was getting around that this labor and delivery unit did things differently.

The women showed up at the hospital months after providers there had participated in a training program about caring for pregnant patients with substance use disorders.

After delivery, both women engaged with recovery services, which include meeting with peer support, attending recovery meetings and sometimes moving into either detoxification centers or sober housing. They remained connected to these support systems, which are designed to improve outcomes for parents and families affected by substance use disorders.

Substance use disorders are common in general, but also common among people who get pregnant. Many pregnant people report experiences of judgment, stigma and discrimination in healthcare settings. Research has found that fear of negative treatment can discourage patients from disclosing substance use, engaging in prenatal care or seeking treatment services.

These barriers may contribute to a disturbing trend: Overdose has become a leading contributor to maternal mortality. In Colorado, accidental overdose is the second-leading cause of death among people during pregnancy and the first year after birth. Between 2016 and 2020, 33 people in Colorado died of overdose during pregnancy or in their first year after birth.

A 2023 9News report on the increase in maternal mortality in Colorado.

I have spent much of my career studying substance use during pregnancy. For three years, I worked with the Colorado Perinatal Care Quality Collaborative, a public health organization dedicated to improving outcomes for parents and babies in Colorado, to develop and implement programs aimed at improving perinatal substance use care.

Stigmatized care for people who use substances

I worked with a team at the collaborative to survey labor and delivery nurses about their co-workers’ attitudes toward pregnant patients with substance use disorders.

Many nurses reported hearing their colleagues using stigmatizing language and dismissive behaviors. Some providers described assumptions that patients with substance use disorders were irresponsible, dishonest or less deserving of empathy than other patients. Others reported witnessing judgmental comments, gossiping, staff intentionally violating patient privacy, staff wanting to punish the patients for their actions and denial of pain management during labor.

These findings aligned with a growing body of literature documenting stigma toward pregnant people with substance use disorders across healthcare settings.

In my own experience with these providers, I’ve learned such attitudes are rarely held with malicious intent. Many clinicians work in demanding environments, care deeply about infant well-being, and may have limited formal training in addiction care. In short, they believed that shaming the moms may help their babies.

One survey participant said, “We definitely need more education and guidelines for these moms.”

Participants in the training took surveys and reported a need and want for more training on how to help patients with substance use disorders. These are some of their responses. Karli Swenson

Training to change minds and practice

The survey results led us to develop a training for obstetric and neonatal healthcare professionals. We partnered with HardBeauty, a Colorado organization led by women with lived experience of substance use and recovery.

Between 2023 and 2025, 1,454 healthcare professionals completed the training we developed in 33 hospitals, birth centers and community organizations in Colorado. Participants included nurses, physicians, midwives, social workers, lactation consultants and nursing educators. Many of the hospitals required their staff to complete the training as a way to address known gaps in care.

The training was 90 minutes either in person or on Zoom. For 45 minutes, the training focused on the trauma that predisposes people to substance use in pregnancy and the increasing prevalance of substance use in pregnancy during the opioid epidemic in Colorado.

Though few studies include the perspectives of patients with substance use directly, one study found that 87.1% of the participants with substance use in pregnancy experienced emotional abuse, 74.2% experienced physical abuse and 51.6% experienced sexual abuse. Knowing how patients start using substances to numb the pain of experiences like these helped participants empathize with patients who use substances.

We discussed real clinical scenarios, practiced talking to patients in ways that wouldn’t stigmatize them and learned strategies for connecting patients with local treatment and recovery resources.

Most importantly, the healthcare providers who participated spent the second half of the training in small groups with moms in recovery from HardBeauty who serve as peer support specialists. These moms told open, honest and raw stories of abuse, trauma, substance use, recovery, relapse and motherhood. They also shared their own experiences of being too afraid to ask for care while pregnant out of fear of losing their child. These conversations were difficult. Many ended in tears and hugs between healthcare staff and the peer support specialists.

The healthcare providers in our trainings later told us that these interactions made them see the patients who find themselves pregnant while suffering from a substance use disorder as human.

One participant said the training helped them to “see a story behind a patient and understand their perspective.”

Another wrote, “They are humans and deserve love and understanding just like anyone else.”

The survey results showed significant improvements in knowledge about substance use in pregnancy, maternal mortality and barriers to care.

Another healthcare provider said “going into this training I was frustrated that I was required to go to another training; by the end I was thankful.”

Our results showed that participants reported greater empathy toward pregnant and postpartum people with substance use disorders than they had before the training. They learned that addiction is a treatable medical condition rather than a moral failing. They also described increased confidence discussing substance use with patients, identifying treatment resources, arranging referrals and responding to stigmatizing comments from colleagues.

One person’s survey response reflected the goal of the training: It “changed how I will approach patients in the future.”

Building trust and compassionate care

The two pregnant women who came to Lutheran after seeing that spray-painted message on the bridge were looking for caregivers they could trust.

Healthcare systems frequently measure outcomes such as length of stay, complications, readmissions and treatment utilization. Those metrics matter. But the experiences that patients have while receiving care matter, too.

When people feel respected, heard and supported, they are more likely to return for care, engage with treatment and recommend services to others. The long-term effects of these interactions between clinicians and new moms can be difficult to quantify, but they may influence entire communities.

If new moms with a history of substance use think the healthcare system is a safe space, they are more likely to attend recovery services, go to their postpartum appointments and take their child to their pediatric visits.

Read more of our stories about Colorado.

Karli Swenson, Postdoctoral Fellow, Department of Pediatrics, University of Colorado Anschutz

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

The post How Colorado hospitals are caring for pregnant patients with substance use disorders by overcoming stigma appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Letter to the Editor: Dark money group spends $70,000 on HD19 Democratic primary

Guest Contributor — Sat, 20 Jun 2026 20:06:25 +0000

This letter was sent to Yellow Scene Magazine. As with all Letters to the Editor, the views expressed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the publication. We value providing space for community voices.

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:

Dark money group funded by One Main Street spends $70,000 on HD19 Democratic primary

ERIE, CO, June 16, 2026 — An independent expenditure committee called “Blue Collar Progressives” has spent nearly $70,000 to support Jillaire McMillan in the June 30 Democratic primary for House District 19, according to itemized filings with the Colorado Secretary of State. The committee is already the subject of an open state campaign finance complaint.

The complaint (ED2026-35, filed by David Sabados, received June 5) alleges that Blue Collar Progressives registered to support state legislative candidates but is also actually running ads for county commissioner races, outside its stated purpose. It claims the committee is misleading the public and filing false documentation with the Secretary of State, under the “prohibited expenditure” and “inaccurate filing” categories.

Blue Collar Progressives registered as an independent expenditure committee on May 27, just weeks before the primary. State filings show it has raised $305,000 and already spent nearly all of it in a matter of days. [Per its filings, the committee’s funding traces to One Main Street Colorado, a group that does not disclose its donors.]

One Main Street poured roughly $800,000 into Colorado Democratic legislative primaries during the 2024 cycle, backing candidates it called “pragmatic” over grassroots progressives. The same network funds the Colorado Opportunity Caucus, which is under investigation after approving a $30,000 retreat for lawmakers and lobbyists at a Vail resort.

“Voters in HD19 deserve to know who is trying to buy this seat,” said Colton Jonjak Plahn, a Democratic candidate running against McMillan. “Voters are tired of elected officials not looking out for their best interests. I am running a grassroots campaign that takes no corporate PAC and no establishment PAC money, and believe no one should be able to buy an election.”

Independent expenditure committees are legally barred from coordinating with the campaigns they support, and Jonjak Plahn’s campaign is not alleging coordination by McMillan or her campaign. The campaign’s concern is transparency: voters are seeing tens of thousands of dollars in outside spending on this race without knowing its original source.

Jonjak Plahn is a born-and-raised Coloradan, a Stanford-trained aerospace engineer who’s running to keep HD19 focused on the people of the district, not special interests. Learn more at coltonforcolorado.com.

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The post Letter to the Editor: Dark money group spends $70,000 on HD19 Democratic primary appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Letter to the Editor: Did “Four Arse Men of the Epic Collapse” Hang GOP and Dems?

Guest Contributor — Sat, 20 Jun 2026 19:49:45 +0000

Colorado’s Democratic and Republican Parties must be shaking in their boots from the Unity Party riding into town for the primary election. They trotted out “Four Arse* Men of the Epic Collapse” (Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse) to fire a warning shot. They ended up shooting themselves and their parties in the foot.

The Colorado Sun posted an opinion by former Governors Bill Owens and Bill Ritter, along with former U.S. Senators Tim Wirth and Hank Brown. Their “bipartisan” appeal to unaffiliated voters claimed, “The challenge is that too many voters do not believe the primary election matters. That perception is understandable — but it is wrong.” Actually, that claim is wrong! It’s merely a “partisan” ploy to keep these voters from finding the Unity Party. They know that unaffiliated voters are drifting toward the greener pastures of better solutions because they’ve been stuck in a rut of a two-party ghost town for too long. I offer better solutions. The “big hats” don’t want that drift to become a stampede.

By excluding mention of the Unity Party in their plea, they’re telling unaffiliated voters that they can vote only for Democrats and Republicans, and no one else. This partisan bias is especially rampant among news outlets in liberal Denver and northern Colorado. The Colorado Sun, KUSA, KGNU, and KUNC have also excluded the Unity Party and its candidates, Paul Noel Fiorino and Jeff Peckman, from their partisan voter guides. It’s likely that these non-profit and for-profit news outlets are violating IRS or FCC regulations to benefit especially the Democrats.

The Fort Collins Coloradoan voter guide even claimed that “Those [Unity Party] ballots can only be returned by party members”, which is a dang lie. Any of Colorado’s two million unaffiliated voters can vote a Unity Party ballot. They just need to request it from their county clerk or at the voting station. Another challenge for unaffiliated voters is easily finding accurate and complete information on county election websites that explain how they can vote a Unity Party ballot.

In contrast, news outlets in conservative Colorado Springs, such as KRDO, KOAA, KKTV, and Pikes Peak Media, have publicized the Unity Party primary. They have also invited Unity Party candidates to participate in either a non-partisan questionnaire, interview, or forum. They’re doing it legally and fairly.

The hypocrisy and partisan electioneering by liberal news media and these former major party politicians is creating the biggest stink since the Great Denver Horse Manure Crisis of 1894! It’s a “ripe” opportunity for vengeful Feds to force a showdown in Colorado’s “Not OK election corral”. An FBI posse might even charge into town and round up the entire election.

Perhaps we should all be thankful. The sun is setting for the two-party stranglehold on America. Times are changing. The powers of justice, truth, and karma have given these “Four Arse* Men” and liberal media varmints enough rope to hang themselves and the party they rode in on. [*Arse – irritating or contemptible person]

Jeff Peckman

Unity Party Candidate for Governor

The post Letter to the Editor: Did “Four Arse Men of the Epic Collapse” Hang GOP and Dems? appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Longmont Under the Lens As Council Shapes Surveillance Future

Elli Woodward — Fri, 19 Jun 2026 20:23:29 +0000

Longmont has long prided itself on being ahead of the curve. It was the first city in Colorado to offer municipal broadband, provides the majority of public utilities, and has been a community that has never shied away from embracing what comes next. But in December, residents packed city council chambers and forced a reckoning over surveillance cameras, pushing out one ALPR vendor in Flock and setting off three months of hard conversations about privacy, data and power. Now a new vendor is in, 15 cameras are headed back up, and Longmont finds itself with a chance to prove that being ahead of the curve means more than just adopting technology first: it also means governing it well.

To understand what that actually looks like, I spoke with two anti-surveillance activists, two city council members and the police department’s leadership.

Andrew Palmer has been a fixture at the public comment stand in recent months. Raised by two educators, he was drawn to science and technology from a young age, eventually becoming a systems engineer at Advanced Space. He has spent his career studying complex systems, and pertinently, how they fail.

Andrew Palmer

“Sometimes failures are an unknown consequence of actions that you couldn’t possibly have foreseen,” he said, citing his work on Boeing 737s.

That lens brought him to city council meetings. “The most complex and most important systems in our lives are the ones made up of both technology and people,” he told me.

“Failures in those systems are critical and catastrophic and can affect people’s lives, even be life and death.”

Palmer stressed the importance of “systems thinking” and believes the city should be applying it to the surveillance conversation. He is not alone. His efforts to raise the alarm about risks to citizen privacy led him to the Visible Government League, an activist group whose mission is to “encourage caution, transparency, and public oversight regarding government use of surveillance and other emerging technologies.”

For Palmer, the central ask is not necessarily the removal of cameras, it’s sequencing.

“By the time these technologies are implemented and part of city strategy, it’s often too late to do much about it,” he said.

In his view, an emerging technologies advisory board is a prerequisite for smart policy. A board seated before the next technology arrives means the city can evaluate it on the front end, with civil rights lawyers and technical experts at the table, rather than scrambling to catch up after the fact.

“If we can’t satisfy certain requirements for this technology,” he said, “we shouldn’t have it.”

He wants residents who aren’t following this closely to understand what’s at stake:

“These are not simply CCTV cameras. These are networked and capturing personal information of everyone entering and leaving the city.”

And he has a message for anyone who thinks one voice doesn’t matter. “I have found that I’ve had a much greater impact than I thought I would,” he said. “One visit with a city council member, one email, one time attending one of these meetings can be hugely impactful.”

Palmer sees Longmont’s response to surveillance pushback as an opportunity for broader influence. “Denver watches us. All the cities around us watch us. And then the nation watches Denver and the Front Range,” he said. “I want Longmont to continue being the leader in what good use of technology looks like for other cities.”

Council member Matthew Popkin also considers himself a systems thinker. With a day job at Rocky Mountain Institute, this is not his first rodeo when it comes to approaching new technology on a municipal scale. He tracks emerging technologies across the energy, sustainability and municipal functions spaces, and one thing he keeps seeing is how much data management and data protection matter regardless of the sector.

Matthew Popkin

“We manage a lot of data,” he told me.

“How we manage that matters, and how we protect that data is critical.”

Popkin pointed out that ALPR technology reduces the number of direct interactions between officers and the public, because if a camera can determine whether a vehicle is even relevant to a case, an officer doesn’t need to make that stop.

“You can have a black Subaru with this license plate and suddenly you’re no longer concerned with all the rest of the black Subarus,” he said. “It allows our officers to focus just on that, and go into those situations more prepared.”

Kellen Lask, a local software engineer and member of Visible Government League, sees that differently. For Lask, a safer community isn’t built by officers surveilling it from a distance but rather from officers embedded in it, connecting with the people they serve. Lask is not reflexively anti-technology. In fact, he was the kid programming games on his graphing calculator in school and describes himself as fascinated with technology.

Kellen Lask

Even so, he has doubts that the efficiency that comes with this surveillance technology will equate to safety.

As a fourth-generation Longmonter, former legislative staffer and teacher, Councilmember Jake Marsing comes at this from a different angle. He campaigned on fighting for working families, and when I asked him how that shapes his view on surveillance, you could tell the question carried real weight for him. He was also the one to make the motion to terminate the city’s contract with Flock during the December council meeting. Popkin seconded it.

Marsing considers the surveillance topic akin to issues like housing affordability in the sense that it begs the question: “What kind of governance are we doing, and what kind of community are we leaving our kids?” He expressed the desire to do everything he can to protect citizens’ privacy in an era where that is increasingly difficult. At a minimum, he believes, the city should ensure resident’s data is protected and not accessible to other jurisdictions except in active investigations.

Lask echoed this sentiment, but frames the stakes more broadly. “What kind of community are we building?” he asked.

“An automated eye in the sky tracking every single person? That feels like a very paranoid and distrustful community. That doesn’t feel like a happy, ‘I go help my neighbor’ kind of community.”

If people assume the cameras are watching, he argues, they may stop watching out for each other. “We’re offloading the responsibility to our community to keep an eye out for each other” Lask maintains “Like ‘Oh the cameras will do that.’”

A more disconnected community, Lask fears, could be one of the quieter, unintended consequences of building a future around this technology. He also worries about the impact on expression itself, and that perhaps the persistent awareness of being tracked suppresses behavior in ways that go beyond what any policy intends, leaving people less comfortable simply being out in the world.

During his conversation with Yellow Scene Magazine, Council member Marsing spoke frankly about the fine balance a councilmember must strike.

Jake Marsing

“We sit in this cross section of legislative branch policymaking and executive branch oversight, where we are also obligated to support our public safety department, to make sure the public safety team has the resources they need.”

That tension is personal for him. His father was a Longmont officer for 14 years, retiring in 2010. The department’s headcount hasn’t grown meaningfully since, even as the population has increased by approximately 16%. “So when our public safety chief says, ‘If you’re going to take away these cameras, I need more bodies, I agree with them.”

When I asked Marsing about his vote to approve the Axon contract, which struck some community members as a hasty decision, he was direct.

“It’s not that my thinking changed at all. It’s that my understanding of the reality here on the ground maybe shifted. I did not believe it was going to be possible for us to get cameras fully removed from the city. But what is possible is for us to work with a vendor that has significantly stronger data protection and does not involve a national data sharing model.”

He has heard the argument that Axon and Flock are the same thing.

“They’re not the same thing. Yes, the core camera tech is similar, but the back-end data sharing policies, the way that Axon has operated as a company for 20-plus years, do not have the same kind of data sharing practices that made me significantly more uncomfortable with Flock.”

Lask, who is particularly interested in trying to understand Axon’s architecture, agrees that the distinction matters, but stresses that the picture remains frustratingly incomplete. The questions he keeps returning to are technical and specific: when the data is transferred, is it encrypted? What encryption standard applies once it lands on a server? Who has access at that point? How much more secure is Azure Government than Azure?

“The details are just so deep and difficult to explore, even as a technical person,” he said.

One grey area Lask pointed out is the possible use of an Axon platform called Fusus, marketed as a cloud-based, real-time crime center (RTCC) designed to unify public safety and community intelligence. The platform would allow the city to integrate privately owned cameras, including residential doorbell cameras such as Ring, into the Axon system when camera owners grant access.

It has not been determined whether Longmont Public Safety will opt-in to this feature.

Both Council members Marsing and Popkin kept coming back to one distinction above all others: the difference between Flock’s opt-out data sharing model and Axon’s opt-in. With Flock, Longmont’s data was visible to any partnering agency by default unless the city actively shut them out. That, Popkin told me, is how data ends up shared without anyone consciously deciding to share it.

“That’s an operational default,” he said. “And that’s what other departments across the country are also realizing “‘hey, we didn’t even think to check that setting.’”

With Axon, the starting point is zero. Longmont has to explicitly grant access agency by agency.

“We’re keeping it tight,” Popkin said. “And that was part of the direction coming out of December.”

For residents whose anxiety centers on federal immigration enforcement, of which there are many, Popkin was measured but clear. The city cooperates with federal authorities on criminal warrants and active investigations. It does not enforce civil immigration violations. “It’s not Longmont’s role to enforce federal immigration law.” The default settings of the vendor, he argued, matter fundamentally to whether that policy holds in practice. It should be noted, however, that according to the Electronic Frontier Foun

dation (EFF), any resolution that claims to protect local data is null when the state and federal government do not allow cities to withhold data.

There are two other distinctions Popkin raised that have gotten less airtime. The first is that unlike Flock, Axon does not sell or share aggregated data collected through the platform. The second is that Axon does not use Longmont’s data to train AI.

The second distinction involves a platform Longmont already knows. All ALPR data through Axon is stored on Evidence.com, the same platform the department has used for seven years to store body camera footage. Popkin noted the significance of that. Body camera footage captures some of the most sensitive, private moments imaginable: officers entering homes during domestic violence calls, medical emergencies, moments of crisis.

“That is some of the most personal, sensitive, and private information that we might have on someone,” he said. The department has trusted Axon with that material for nearly a decade.

The ALPR data, by comparison, Popkin believes, is far less intimate. He notes that this is a photograph of a license plate, and nothing more.

Lask argues that this information, though simple in nature, can still portray an intimate picture of one’s life when aggregated. “Innocuous data adds up to a very personal picture,” he asserted, “your life is small bits of data that in isolation mean nothing, but across time it adds up to context.” The question of who holds that context, and what they can do with it, is where his concern lives.

I wanted to hear what this conversation looks like from inside the Public Safety Department. I sat down with Police Chief David Moore and Assistant Chief Phil Piotrowski, the people who are now navigating one of the most scrutinized technology decisions in the city’s recent memory.

Moore stepped into the chief role in October 2025, walking straight into the Flock controversy. He described the moment the Loveland data-sharing scandal broke that summer: “As soon as we found out about it, we took steps to assure that that wouldn’t happen with us.”

There is also a data misconception both officers were eager to address. When an ALPR camera captures a hit, all that exists in Axon’s system is a photograph of the rear of a vehicle and its license plate. No image of the driver. No personal information. Everything else, including the individual’s name, address and the details that make a plate number mean something, comes from NCIC and CCIC, national and state law enforcement databases that have existed for decades and operate entirely independently of any ALPR platform. Officers must verify a plate hit against those databases before making a stop.

“That’s really important,” Piotrowski said, “because in anything that we do, especially with technology, it’s having that human in the loop to verify and make sure that information is correct, because if we’re not doing that, that’s how we get in trouble.”

At the same time, the national record gives some reason for pause. An 2016 Associated Press investigation found that between 2013 and 2015, more than 325 officers across the country were fired, resigned or suspended for unauthorized database queries, using law enforcement systems to stalk ex-partners, surveil neighbors and dig up dirt on journalists. A decade later, this threat has evolved into a coordinated targeting of constitutional rights. EFF datasets from 2025 reveal that over 50 law enforcement agencies have weaponized ALPRs to physically track protesters and reporters at demonstrations. By bypassing traditional warrant requirements to log hundreds of searches, police are effectively penalizing public assembly and dissenting speech through retroactive surveillance. For some police departments across the country, the human in the loop has been a source of abuse.

Moore isn’t interested in framing ALPR as a replacement for officers.

“It will never be a replacement for an officer doing the work,” he told Yellow Scene Magazine. But the math cuts both ways for Moore. “I can’t have someone standing on a corner, or in our case, in 15 different locations in the city, constantly watching for a stolen vehicle to pass or a homicide suspect to pass, and then alerting their fellow officers that, hey, I just saw that car go by,” Moore said, “It’s just not practical, we can’t do that 24/7.”

The department has 15 cameras, positioned deliberately on main thoroughfares coming in and out of the city, not in residential neighborhoods.

“We want to know if there’s a wanted felon, a stolen vehicle, a missing person- if they’re leaving or entering the city,” Moore said. “That’s really the use case for us[…]It’s just an invaluable tool when used the right way,” he said.

That phrase “used the right way” is exactly where the community’s anxiety lives, and Moore knows it. The department requires individual logins, dual authentication and a mandatory case justification for every search, backed by annual audit trail reviews. An officer can’t run a plate without logging a reason. “If there’s one mistake you can’t make, it’s an integrity issue,” Moore said plainly.

Lask respects the intent but questions the scale. Other municipalities have reported query volumes upwards of 20,000 per month.

“Are we really to believe that, in addition to everything else public safety is doing, someone is going to sit down and read every single entry in an access log and match it to the case and the officer?”

When asked about alternative methods for secure access, Lask brought up his preference for the warrant system. “If you want to query someone’s phone records, you have to convince a judge it serves the public interest. You could build something similar here- some procedural, documented way to get sign-off from someone with no stake in the case. That keeps with the American tradition of following a process rather than just having unlimited access.”

The voice you rarely hear in these council chambers, Moore noted, is the victim. This could be the person whose stolen car was recovered, whose case was closed, whose family got an answer. “What I think is lost in these conversations is bringing closure to victims.” Moore emphasized that community engagement is his No. 1 priority, and that the trusting relationship the department has built with city council is too important to jeopardize, especially over a piece of technology.

City council’s oversight measures reflect that same balancing act. The Axon approval came with a one-year review, regular audits and a transparency portal where the public will be able to see what communities Longmont is sharing data with at any given time, which was never possible with Flock.

Perhaps the most anticipated development is the Technology Policy Advisory Board. Per the draft ordinance presented at the City Council Pre-Session on May 12, 2026, the board will serve to give technology policy recommendations to the council with no administrative or operational authority. Its responsibilities cover three key areas: resident data privacy rights, AI and algorithmic transparency, and camera and surveillance technologies. It will periodically review and update those policies as technology and laws evolve, deliver an annual report with recommendations and weigh in on high-impact technology issues when referred by council.

What surprised me most was learning that the Technology Policy Advisory Board, one of the central demands from the Visible Government League, was something the department itself helped set in motion. “We are not the experts at technology,” Moore said. “What we want are experts in technology that can bring an objective view on what the technology has to offer, what some potholes might be.”

The board is expected to be seated Jan. 1, 2027.

“This board is going to be able to access and look at the back end of our data in a way that other boards can’t,” Marsing said, “and that’s on purpose, because I want them to be able to get the best possible expertise that they can.” Applications are expected to open in November 2026.

For Palmer, the board is the most meaningful outcome of this entire saga as it will allow the city to intelligently respond to emerging technology and its risks.

For Lask, his focus is more personal. As a queer person, he’s acutely aware that the populations most vulnerable to surveillance aren’t always the ones visible in these conversations. “Gender ideology has been declared terrorism-adjacent at the federal level,” he said. “I have friends who are much more vulnerable than I am.” A national network of cameras that can share data across jurisdictions, even informally, is not an abstract threat from where he stands. Recent public records show that when guardrails are weak, local police have used these networks to target specific identities rather than actual crimes. Between 2024 and 2025, over 80 law enforcement agencies across the country used the system to run sweeping searches targeting the Romani community based entirely on racial slurs and stereotypes. For Lask, the worry is how easily a local system can be weaponized against marginalized groups when oversight is left up to the departments themselves.

It’s a reminder that these conversations, however technical they become, are ultimately about the people. While the Axon contract is still being finalized, the advisory board has yet to convene, and privately owned ALPRs continue to operate without the restrictions the city is working to codify, one thing is clear: Longmonters from all walks of life are coming to the table and asking hard questions about the kind of city they want to live in.

Marsing put it simply: “I remain really impressed by the engagement in our community and the care that folks put into our city, because that is what makes Longmont so special.”

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The post Longmont Under the Lens As Council Shapes Surveillance Future appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Spotlight: 1940s Ball 2026

Jamie Lammers — Fri, 19 Jun 2026 19:51:41 +0000

On Saturday, June 20th, the historic Boulder Airport will host the 18th Annual 1940s Ball, a celebration of live music, costumes, characters, and vehicles from the World War II era. From meeting historical figures such as Bob Hope and Edward R. Murrow to dancing underneath the stars in full 1940s glam, the celebration has only continued to grow. We recently jumped on the phone with Khyentse George, the creator of the 1940s Ball, to talk about the ball and its journey so far.

Photos taken from official reel

Jamie Lammers: Can you share what the plans are for this year?
Khyentse George: The theme this year is “Victory Through The Airwaves,” so we’re taking a throwback to how radio was used in the 1940s. We have a radio station that we’ve created called KBDU, which are actually the call letters for Boulder Airport. We’ve built a radio set, and attendees can come and take their turn at trying World War II radio broadcasting. We also have an improv group that does a radio show, and they’re gonna be bringing attendees up on the stage to get involved. The big part of the night is the dancing. We put a huge wooden dance floor out under the stars. You can see the Flatirons in the background. You watch the sunset, and the sky turns red and orange. There’s all these beautiful bright lanterns all over the dance floor, and the band is playing. There’s just so much going on, you’ll never get bored.

Jamie: That sounds absolutely gorgeous.
Khyentse: Yeah, it’s a lot of fun. In our 18th year, we’ve honed in on what is most special for guests and really sticking to the key elements of the event.

Jamie: How did you come up with the idea? How has it kept going for the last 18 years?
Khyentse: My grandparents were radio performers in the 1940s, and during WWII, they were in a radio show together. They both were really into music and performing, and were involved in all sorts of community organizations and had parties at the house. I really fell in love with their generation. It all fell together because I was working in non-profit, and I needed to throw a fundraiser. I was also working at the Boulder Airport at the time, at a flight school, and they had a gorgeous hangar. I was meeting all sorts of people that were into these old WWII planes. Little bit by little bit, things fell together, and we had such a great turnout that I decided it would make sense to do it again. We did it a second year, and it just started growing and growing. I think there were 200 people the first year, and now there’s 3,000.

Jamie: What’s it been like seeing that growth over that time?
Khyentse: It’s really cool to see. This was a fundraiser we made out of nothing. We had to figure out how to make those pieces work without a budget for advertising. Here I am going out and putting fliers on people’s cars at swing dances and senior centers. More people came, and then you’d see there’s stars in Boulder coming. This gentleman, who was a Doolittle raider, Bill Bower, he’s been a longtime Boulder resident. We happened to have the B-25, which is what he flew, at the ball that year, so we had him out there. He was like a rock star at the event, and that was just so special to see. There’s been these little markers through the years.

Jamie: Is there anything you hope people enjoy the most?
Khyentse: I think the most important thing about the event is the community, the chance to step away from the chaos of everyday life and go into a different time where things seemed to be more simple. People were very present and all together in something bigger than ourselves. That’s what’s really special about the ball. When you walk around, you see the sights, the planes flying overhead. You hear the music, and you’re dancing on the dance floor. There’s this interconnectedness between people, and friends are made that last a lifetime. That community grows and grows each year, so I think that’s a really special part of it. It goes one step beyond watching a show. It’s being a part of something that is pure joy, being present with all the senses. I think it’s a really special time for people who love history, have a romance for the 40s and 50s, and who like to do something that’s out of the ordinary.

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Letter to the Editor: Columnist Endorses Boulder Candidates

Guest Contributor — Fri, 19 Jun 2026 07:05:20 +0000

As someone who writes a column about community and belonging, I know how important it is for elected offices to represent the whole community.

I ran for the Colorado State Senate 2 years ago because I didn’t feel represented in local leadership, and I met many people in Boulder County who felt the same.

This is one of many reasons I’m supporting Jenn Kaaoush for Boulder County Treasurer and Kubs Lalchandani for CU Regent.

Most of our local elected bodies are made up of people from similar demographic groups and backgrounds. Jenn and Kubs bring the professional acumen needed for these roles and perspectives that remain underrepresented here.

Jenn grew up in a low-income, single-parent household, earned a GED, served in the military, earned a business degree, and built a career in public and private leadership. She has served in local office and helped pass a federal bill protecting wildfire survivors.

Kubs is a man of color and the son of immigrants. Raised in Boulder, he understands challenges many families here face. He cares about equity, the impact of AI on future careers, and ensuring all students feel welcome in higher education, regardless of background.

Their journeys are different, but both understand what it means to overcome obstacles, persevere, and navigate systems that don’t work equally well for everyone.

I also know them both personally and have seen their integrity, humility, grace, and commitment to ensuring all voices are heard.

Our community is strongest when we have highly qualified leadership that reflects a wider range of expertise, experiences, and perspectives.

Jenn and Kubs will bring that and more.

Jovita Schiffer, Superior

The post Letter to the Editor: Columnist Endorses Boulder Candidates appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Letter to the Editor: Keeping Cats Inside

Guest Contributor — Fri, 19 Jun 2026 06:44:16 +0000

To the Editor:

A Colorado woman is facing felony cruelty to animals charges after allegedly throwing a neighbor’s cat named Toby into a yard with her dogs, who then chased and killed him. It’s a horrifying story, but it should also be a wake-up call for anyone who believes it’s safe to let cats outdoors.

Every time a cat is allowed to roam, there is a chance he won’t come home. They are struck by cars, attacked by dogs or wildlife, exposed to disease and parasites, and poisoned by substances like antifreeze and pesticides. Some are shut inside garages or crawl spaces. Others disappear after encountering people who dislike cats and intentionally harm them.

This isn’t about blaming the family who lost Toby. Like many people, they likely believed their neighborhood was safe. But there is no truly safe neighborhood for a cat left to fend for himself outdoors.

Cats depend on us to protect them. Keeping them indoors gives them the safety they deserve.

Sincerely,

Melissa Rae Sanger, LVT

The PETA Foundation

The post Letter to the Editor: Keeping Cats Inside appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Letter to the Editor: Endorsing Amanda Gonzalez To Protect Colorado’s Democracy

Guest Contributor — Fri, 19 Jun 2026 04:42:35 +0000

Amanda Gonzalez is the candidate with the experience and courage to protect Colorado’s democracy

By Boulder County Commissioner Marta Loachamin

The right to vote is the foundation of every other right we have. If people cannot freely and fairly participate in our democracy, everything else is at risk.

Voters are not choosing a Secretary of State under normal conditions. As we celebrate our nation’s 250th anniversary this summer, we find ourselves in the middle of the fight for its future.

Earlier this year, the Supreme Court gutted the Voting Rights Act. Earlier this month, Tina Peters was released from prison and went straight to the studio to spout election denialism. Now, the USPS is under intense pressure to interfere in proven-safe mail ballot elections like ours.

At a time like this, we need a Secretary of State with the courage to stand up for our democracy and the experience to protect it.

Amanda Gonzalez has spent her career doing exactly that. As the only attorney running for Secretary of State, she wrote and implemented laws that expanded access to the ballot and established automatic voter registration to ensure every eligible Coloradan can participate in our democracy. As Jefferson County Clerk, she oversees elections for one of Colorado’s largest counties and has been on the front lines defending voters and election workers while strengthening public trust in our elections.

Amanda understands that protecting democracy is about more than administering an election. It means ensuring that every eligible voter can cast their ballot, every ballot is counted accurately, and every election worker can do their job without intimidation or harassment. It means standing up to misinformation that erodes public trust and responding to new threats before they undermine confidence in our elections. These responsibilities require experience, sound judgment, and a deep understanding of both election law and election administration.

Colorado has built one of the strongest election systems in the country because leaders like Amanda have never taken our democracy for granted. She’s the only candidate who has made important strides in elections and voting every single year of the last decade because she’s the only candidate who has been singularly focused on it. She has spent her career working to make voting more accessible, more secure, and more transparent. That work has made Colorado a national model for election administration and helped earn the trust of voters across the political spectrum. As attacks on our election system become more frequent and more coordinated, Colorado cannot afford to hesitate or backslide. We need a Secretary of State who understands what is at stake and has a proven record of protecting and strengthening the systems that uphold our democracy.

As a Boulder County Commissioner, I understand the responsibility that comes with serving the public. Amid the current threats to our democracy, this is not a time for on-the-job training. Colorado needs a leader who understands both the law and the practical realities of running a safe, free, and fair election.

Coloradans want a leader who is on their side. They want an experienced fighter who will not only protect our election system from interference in the 2028 presidential election but also someone with a vision for a more inclusive democracy.

Amanda doesn’t wait for problems to emerge, and she’s not satisfied with the status quo. She has the experience to anticipate challenges, respond quickly, and stay ahead of threats to our elections. That foresight and leadership are exactly what Colorado needs as attacks on our democracy continue from every direction.

This moment calls for experience. It calls for courage. Amanda Gonzalez has both.

The post Letter to the Editor: Endorsing Amanda Gonzalez To Protect Colorado’s Democracy appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Scene Stealers: Week of June 17th

Juliana Krigsman — Thu, 18 Jun 2026 03:08:01 +0000

Louisville Street Faire: The Petty Nicks Experience, Jun. 19

Louisville’s Front Street comes back to life on Jun. 19 as the Petty Nicks Experience steals the stage. Paying homage to the works of Tom Petty and Stevie Nicks, this Colorado band breathes reimagined life into two of rock’n’roll’s most beloved acts. From the rockin’ highs of “American Girl” to the mellow tune of “Landslide”, this group promises a fun show for all ages.

Louisville Street Faire: The Petty Nicks Experience | Jun. 19 • Front Street, Louisville

Juneteenth Music Festival, Jun. 20

Denver’s largest and longest-running Juneteenth celebration holds its 15th year of music, culture, community, and resilience on Jun. 20th, with celebrations Jun. 19th through the 21st in Denver. Grammy-nominated artist SiR will take the main stage, along with other R&B, soul, and hip-hop artists, to bring the energy to this festival. Festival-goers can browse countless vendors featuring local businesses, food, art, and resources for the Denver community.

Juneteenth Music Festival | Jun. 20 • Five Points, Denver

1940s Ball, Jun. 20

In the 18th annual celebration of the 1940s Ball, attendees can compete for the title of Best Dressed, wander through a WWII base camp, meet historical figures, and dance underneath the stars to live musical performances, including from the world-famous Glenn Miller Orchestra. Take a trip back in time for one unforgettable night as the historic Boulder Airport’s hangar transforms into a living historical snapshot.

1940s Ball | Jun. 20 • Boulder Airport, Boulder

Flatirons Sound Music Festival, Jun. 21

Join your friends and family in Chautauqua Park for Boulder’s free annual music festival. Enjoy music, food, craft beer, and plenty of bands against the backdrop of the Flatirons. From 1-8 PM, Neal Francis, Lindsay Lou, Armchair Boogie, Blessing Bled Chimanga, and Pick & Howl perform. Experience Funk, Blues and Americana in one of Boulder’s most beautiful parks. This is more than just a concert; it’s a celebration of community and a place for everyone to come together.

Flatirons Sound Music Festival | Jun. 21 • Chautauqua Park, Boulder

13 Fires, Jun. 24-26

The Executive Committee of African American Cultural Events honors Juneteenth with 13 Fires, an original play by Boulder local Curtis K. Rogers. 13 Fires chronicles the powerful rise and systematic dismantling of Indianapolis’ Indiana Avenue, a Black cultural hub once home to infamous jazz clubs, lucrative Black-owned businesses, and icons like Madam C.J. Walker. The cast will take the Dairy Arts stage Jun. 24-26, with each show starting at 6 PM. Tickets start at $17.25 and are available on The Dairy Arts Center website.

13 Fires | Jun. 24-26 • The Dairy Arts Center, Boulder

Ziua Iei, Jun. 27

Boulder Public Library will be celebrating Ziua Iei (Universal Day of the Romanian Blouse) through a rich display of traditions that have been passed down for generations. This celebration paints a beautifully rich picture of Romanian culture through vibrant showcases of traditional music, dance, folk art, clothing, film, and more.

Ziua Iei | Jun. 27 • Canyon Theater, Boulder

Yellow Scene’s 2026 Summer Support Drive is underway with a goal of 1,000 Sustaining Supporters by summer’s end.

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Erie mineral rights deal fails as O’Connor breaks from council majority

Salem Goodman — Wed, 17 Jun 2026 06:02:39 +0000

Mayor Andrew Moore, Town of Erie, CO

Tensions were already running high Tuesday night before Erie Town Council voted on the town’s controversial mineral rights agreement. During public comment, resident Steve Drew delivered a compelling address urging councilmembers to reject the deal, drawing sustained applause from a packed audience (11:31). Mayor Andrew Moore announced a recess at (17:51), he and Mayor Pro Tem Brandon Bell exited the chamber together after Drew mentioned that the Colorado Attorney General’s Office was reviewing complaints related to the process, as audience members cheered for Drew. This lead to jeering as residents expressed dissatisfaction of the walk-out.

The meeting’s pivotal moment came more than an hour later when Councilmember Brian O’Connor explained his decision. Speaking at 1:26:45, O’Connor said he agreed with residents who argued they still lacked sufficient information to make an informed decision about the proposed agreement. While O’Connor had previously raised concerns about the process, his comments signaled growing skepticism about moving forward without additional transparency, creating uncertainty about the vote’s outcome.

That uncertainty became reality when the council took up the vote beginning at 2:28:05; Councilmember Dan Hoback was absent but widely expected to oppose the agreement. O’Connor joined Councilmembers Emily Baer and Anil Pesaramelli in voting no, preventing the mineral rights deal from advancing. The failed vote marks a dramatic setback for a proposal that has dominated Erie politics for months and generated intense public scrutiny over transparency, procurement procedures, and the town’s negotiations with energy companies.

This is a developing story. A more detailed account of the vote will follow.

Featured Image: Mayor Andrew Moore and Mayor Pro Tem Brandon Bell walk out of the hearing.

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Letter to the Editor: Attorney General’s Office to Review Erie Residents’ Complaint

Guest Contributor — Tue, 16 Jun 2026 04:57:25 +0000

I am a resident of Erie who is not directly impacted by the Draco Pad project footprint and I have zero political aspirations. I also believe that there is a place for oil and natural gas extraction in our energy supply. That said, I stepped off the sidelines and entered into discussions with Mayor Moore and the Town Council four months ago about the potential sale of the Town of Erie mineral rights.

Myself, and other Erie resident requests for Mayor Moore and the Town Council have been straightforward:

1) Provide a forum for all Erie residents to express their concerns or their support related to the potential sale of Erie’s mineral rights. Listen to these concerns and follow-up with third-party studies that help provide answers.

2) Allow residents of Erie to vote on whether they want these Town-owned mineral rights to be sold, held and/or used to push back against the Draco Pad. This decision has a huge financial impact on the Town of Erie and an enormous impact on residents.

3) If Erie residents choose to sell these mineral rights then run a legitimate process to sell. Issue an RFP to find a low-cost and high-quality Consultant who will run a competitive bid and solicitation process. This will ensure that Erie gets fair representation and that our Town gets top dollar.

Mayor Moore and his loyal block of Town Council voters (Mayor Pro Tem Bell, Council Member Brian O’Connor and Council Member John Mortellaro) chose to not give residents of Erie a voice or a vote. They chose to withhold all information from Erie residents – feeding messages that this group wants residents to hear while withholding the rest in confidential sessions. Irrespective of your view, Mayor Moore has led a process that has denied you your voice and your vote.

This group also chose to hire the founder of Civitas for $4.5 million of Erie taxpayer money to represent Town of Erie residents in this sale…to SM Energy, who merged with Civitas earlier this year. Per explosive comments from Town Council Members and the Consultant during the June 2nd Town Council Study Session, it does not appear that this Consultant completed his contract.

The Consultant’s contract required him to complete a competitive bid and solicitation process and to provide competitive offers to the Town Council for them to consider. Instead, the Consultant brought only a single offer from SM Energy / Civitas. His former company. Rather than addressing this issue, Mayor Moore scheduled a vote for the sale of Erie’s Town-owned mineral rights to SM Energy for June 16th.

COLORADO ATTORNEY GENERAL’S OFFICE INVOLVEMENT

On June 11th, over 120 Erie Residents sent a letter to Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser asking for State help in this situation.

On Friday, June 12th, the Colorado Attorney General’s Office (AGO) responded that the AGO has started an official process to review our situation on behalf of Erie residents. The AGO asked me to provide them with all materials related to the Town Council issues noted above, which I sent off over the weekend. I believe others in Erie are supplying details to the Attorney General’s Office for this review as well.

The AGO noted that the official review process could take weeks – well past the June 16th scheduled vote.

Will the Erie Town Council move forward with a vote on June 16th knowing that the Colorado Attorney General’s Office is officially involved? Good question for Mayor Moore and the Town Council. Especially given all of this.

Will Mayor Moore and this Town Council do what’s right for the Town of Erie by working with the AGO and Colorado Attorney General? To officially address all concerns from the AGO and residents prior to a vote? Goodness – I hope so. Better to start doing the right thing late rather than not at all.

Whether you are for the sale of Town-owned mineral rights or whether you are against, please show up to the Town Council meeting on June 16th where they are set to vote. Let Mayor Moore and the Town Council know that we need a legitimate process to be completed prior to approval of any contract. That all Erie residents – irrespective of their views – should have a voice and a vote in what happens to our Town of Erie mineral rights.

Signed Erie resident,

Steve Drew

The post Letter to the Editor: Attorney General’s Office to Review Erie Residents’ Complaint appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Letter to the Editor: Tyler Quick for Adams County Commissioner

Guest Contributor — Mon, 15 Jun 2026 22:07:23 +0000

Dear Editor,

Adams County needs more than just more growth. We need a thoughtful leader who will actually listen to our residents and will put working families first. Right now, Adams County families are facing immense affordability pressures – from rising housing costs to groceries to child care. These issues are bleeding Adams County families dry. We need leadership that understands how to transparently leverage the County Budget in a way that supports our agricultural families and helps to expand local businesses (such as affordable daycares). That leader is Tyler Quick.

Tyler was born and raised in Adams County, and he brings a powerful blend of experience, community roots, and new energy to the table. As an educator, research consultant, and dedicated union organizer, Tyler has spent his career fighting for working people. Tyler knows that government is about serving the people, and that transparent government means listening to the community.

As the June 30 primary election approaches – and with ballots landing in mailboxes – I encourage you to vote for Tyler Quick for Adams County Commissioner. Tyler brings the right approach and fresh vision our county needs.

Bev Bishop

Westminster

The post Letter to the Editor: Tyler Quick for Adams County Commissioner appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Letter to the Editor: Boulder County Treasurer Endorsement From Mark Lacis

Guest Contributor — Mon, 15 Jun 2026 08:57:06 +0000

I am proud to support Jenn Kaaoush for Boulder County Treasurer.

Jenn is qualified for this job. She has served in the military, worked in diplomacy, managed finances, worked in real estate, and served on the Superior Town Council. But my support for Jenn comes from something more important: I have seen her lead.

After the Marshall Fire, Jenn got to work. She helped fire survivors deal with insurance, cleanup, rebuilding, bureaucracy, and the exhausting financial challenges that followed the disaster. She then used that experience to help other fire-impacted communities, including Maui and California. She also traveled to Washington, D.C., to advocate for changes to the tax code so fire survivors would not be penalized for insurance proceeds needed to rebuild.

I have worked closely with Jenn on the Superior Town Council. She is prepared, tough, persistent, and serious about solving problems. Jenn is not someone who just talks about public service. She shows up, does the work, and gets results.

The Treasurer’s office requires judgment, diligence, transparency, and respect for public dollars. Jenn has those qualities.

Boulder County would be fortunate to have Jenn Kaaoush as Treasurer.

Mark Lacis

Mayor, Town of Superior

The post Letter to the Editor: Boulder County Treasurer Endorsement From Mark Lacis appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Lafayette Approves Disputed Self-Storage Facility in 5-2 Vote

Akshaya Krishnan — Mon, 15 Jun 2026 04:02:31 +0000

Residents in Lafayette are pushing back against a proposed self-storage facility, arguing that the project would bring an oversized, industrial building to a site that does not fit the surrounding neighborhood.

1784 Capital Holdings LLC is proposing to develop a new 89,592-square-foot, climate-controlled self-storage building, with a caretaker dwelling unit, at 685 Aspen Ridge Drive. According to a Planning Commission memo, the project requires a Special Use Review (SUR) and a Site Plan and Architectural Review (SPAR). Staff analysis notes that SUR criteria include municipal code compliance, environmental impacts, and compatibility with the character of the surrounding area, hours of intrusion, and noise levels. Several residents, like Megan Rast and Christy Clarke, complain that this proposed unit fails to meet these criteria.

This friction stems from the fact that self-storage facilities do not fit neatly into residential or mixed-use districts, meaning developers need special approvals where the use is conditional. Compatibility concerns are the most consistently documented issue, and distance measurements between the building and adjacent homes remain disputed. Because planners increasingly view these facilities as “low-value” land that creates “dead zones” instead of contributing to active, walkable development, cities like Arvada and Denver have enacted moratoriums specifically prohibiting storage facilities in key growth areas.

Beyond land-use compatibility, neighborhood opposition is also driven by pressing safety concerns, particularly regarding fire risk. Colorado has seen multiple self-storage fires in recent years, demonstrating that even with modern construction, these facilities can pose challenges. Across the US, self-storage fires have resulted in major structural damage, destroying dozens to hundreds of units. A study released by the National Fire Protection Association (NFPA) in December 2025 found that these buildings present challenges to fire services due to “compartmentalization and unknown content loads.” The NFPA study argues that modern buildings are larger, more complex, and harder to access than older ones, concluding that departments and owners need to plan together before construction.

Mockup of site plan courtesy of the city

While the Lafayette Comprehensive Plan emphasizes a “connected, vibrant and walkable community” to guide future development, city officials ultimately determined the project met local requirements. In a statement to Yellow Scene Magazine, Lafayette officials said the city council carefully reviewed both the SPAR and SUR criteria before approving the application by a 5-2 vote with conditions. The city emphasized that the decision turned on the evidence in the record and the council’s discretion, particularly its finding that the proposed use was compatible with the surrounding area. Officials also noted that Black Diamond, where the property is located, was zoned industrial in the 1980s, while Anna’s Farm was approved for residential development in 2002–2003 with the acknowledgement that it bordered industrial land.

“City staff believes that the self-storage special use is less impactful to the neighbors than other industrial uses, which can be developed by-right in Black Diamond. Staff’s review was also influenced by the fact that another self-storage facility exists within the Black Diamond subdivision and was previously found to be compatible with the area. The fact that the by-right industrial uses would be more impactful to residents and were found to be compatible in 2002-2003 when residential development associated with the Anna’s Farm subdivision was approved could have been explicitly stated in the staff memo.”

This local dispute reflects a broader pattern for 1784 Capital Holdings, a Denver-based private equity firm that buys industrial and self-storage properties across the West. Its role in Lafayette sits within a larger, national conversation about how investor-driven development occurs on historically and culturally sensitive land. In Maryland, the Bethesda African Cemetery Coalition (BACC) has been struggling since 2017 to protect Moses Macedonia African Cemetery from what it terms “desecration” after 1784 Capital Holdings bought land covering the cemetery to build a multi-level self-storage facility.

“The Bethesda area has extraordinary demographics and extraordinary market fundamentals,” the company’s CEO said in a press release at the time.

“It is a significantly undersupplied market with three times the national average for rent. We chose the site because it’s one of the last zoned and developable parcels of land for self-storage in Bethesda.”

A statement by Kelly McKone of Capital Holdings said that the BACC is “spreading misinformation about the project,” but the coalition maintains that the site is historically significant and may contain human remains. A 2017 independent review by The Ottery Group found that the area was used as a burial ground, though it said more investigation was needed, and the company found evidence that the land was used as a cemetery beginning in 1911.

Capital Holdings did not respond to request to comment.

Back in Lafayette, residents worry that the city is prioritizing developer-driven industrial and storage uses over the day-to-day quality of life in nearby neighborhoods. Christy Clarke discussed this tension in an interview with Yellow Scene Magazine.

“One of the things that I am increasingly considering important is like, if not this situation, then when does public input really matter?” Clarke said. She noted that the bigger question is when public input actually matters if it does not seem to change the outcome, pointing to a perceived fear of litigation. “There seems to be a fear of litigation, with city decisions seemingly driven by the concern that a developer might sue. While legal risk does matter, it shouldn’t outweigh everything else in a planning decision.”

Despite the setback, residents maintain that organizing the opposition brought the community closer together. Clarke emphasized that even if residents ultimately lose this fight, the process has still been worth it if it strengthens community ties and helps future neighborhoods challenge questionable proposals more effectively. Their efforts have already brought people together, and she believes the message should not be that the efforts were wasted, but that residents participated in the democratic process, got to know their neighbors, and perhaps helped set a better precedent for what happens next.

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The post Lafayette Approves Disputed Self-Storage Facility in 5-2 Vote appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.

Erie Votes 4-2 to Stay in NISP as Town’s Financial Stake Rises

Salem Goodman — Sun, 14 Jun 2026 18:52:32 +0000

After the Erie Town Council voted 4-2 to stay with the Northern Integrated Supply Project (NISP) on May 26, some might view the decision as a simple $3 million expenditure. However, the vote represents a deeper commitment to a water strategy marked by rising costs and declining participation, yet defended by supporters as a critical hedge against Colorado’s growing water scarcity.

To reach this decision, the council spent over an hour weighing financial risks against future development needs. Supporters argued that abandoning the project would waste approximately $30 million invested over two decades. Conversely, opponents questioned the wisdom of exposing the town to further financial risk as other communities scale back or withdraw entirely.

Erie remains committed to NISP, which involves diverting high spring flows from the Cache la Poudre River into the planned Glade and Galeton reservoirs. After years of environmental reviews and litigation, the regional project is now nearing major construction. For Erie, NISP is a massive long-term investment originally projected to provide 6,500 acre-feet of water annually—enough for roughly 13,000 households.

Despite its history, council members are increasingly questioning the project’s value. Updated modeling discussed this week suggests a lower participation level of 4,500 acre-feet, prompting concerns that the current economics no longer align with original assumptions. This shift is exacerbated by the departure of participants like the Fort Collins-Loveland Water District, which cited rising costs as a reason for withdrawal.

As other partners have stepped away, Erie’s responsibility has grown. Mayor Andrew Moore noted that the town’s share of the project has climbed from 16% to 23%, increasing its financial exposure. Staff projections indicate Erie could face a $6.44 million contribution in 2027, with water costs estimated between $85,000 and $95,000 per acre-foot—figures that some members noted are higher than Colorado-Big Thompson water shares.

The financial debate is fueled by NISP’s total cost projections, which have jumped from $2 billion to nearly $2.7 billion. While critics point to withdrawals as evidence of a failing model, staff emphasized that Erie lacks a comparable replacement source for such a high volume of water. Proponents further argue that current costs are secondary to the larger issue of long-term resilience.

This decision comes as Colorado faces some of its poorest snowpack levels in recent history, with federal forecasts indicating runoff in parts of the Colorado River Basin could fall below 30% of average. Supporters warned that if NISP fails, competition for existing supplies will intensify, potentially driving water prices even higher.

The divide on council centered on whether NISP is the most responsible way to handle this uncertainty. Mayor Moore framed the project as a question of equity, arguing that current residents should not subsidize infrastructure for new development. Others viewed it as a necessary investment in town-wide water security, noting that leaving would mean forfeiting decades of investment and a future water yield.

Ultimately, the vote to stay does not provide immediate water or lower utility rates; it merely preserves Erie’s stake and its $30 million investment. Mayor Pro Tem Bell and council members Baer, Hoback, and Pesamarrelli carried the motion, while Moore and Council Member Mortellaro voted in opposition.

The decision is far from final, as significantly larger financial commitments are expected by 2027. For now, Erie remains tied to a project that began as a tool for growth but is now a high-stakes gamble on an increasingly dry future.

Yellow Scene’s 2026 Summer Support Drive is underway with a goal of 1,000 Sustaining Supporters by summer’s end.

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The post Erie Votes 4-2 to Stay in NISP as Town’s Financial Stake Rises appeared first on Yellow Scene Magazine.